Date: Tue Jul 18, 1995 2:21 pm CST From: Freddi`.A.R..'Ready EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: jamiv@verilink.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: your request/ brown paper wrapper/ article/ascii/ 40932 bytes Content-Length: 40889 X-Lines: 125 Please let me know if there is a problem in receiving this ascii uncompressed file intact. Note that there are CR-LF only at the end of paragraphs. This file is a raw ascii output of Frame. However, you should be able to reformat it easily with available tools. "- Ms.Freddi .A.R.." ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ This is the story that couldn't be suppressed. An investigative report into a scandal that haunts the reputations of three presidents -- Reagan, Bush, and Clinton. THE CRIMES OF MENA Article by Sally Denton and Roger Morris Penthouse July, 1995 [ABOUT THIS STORY] The initial suppression of the Seal-archive story created a small tidal wave that surged along the internet, gave right-wing radio another conspiracy to caress, and made headlines from London to San Francisco. After 11 weeks of line-by-line fact-checking, editing, and legal vetting, after the text had been laid out in final type, photos and artwork arrayed, contracts signed, and publication date fixed, at the last moment -- on January 26, 1995 -- *Washington Post* Managing Editor Robert Kaiser had put one more nervous hold on the article you now see in *Penthouse*. We pulled the piece in dismay and disgust. Even the *Post's* own ombudsman acknowledged "the uproar" over what she called "the story of the hour." For us as authors, personally and intellectually, the de facto suppression and resulting sensation were at best a mixed affair. A little like Henry Miller's *Tropic* titles, banned in Boston, our article was, ironically, receiving more attention unprinted that it might have drawn had it appeared as scheduled. Yet in their inevitable self-justification, *Post* editors were also impugning us as journalists, and the still-invisible piece was inevitably caught up in wild speculation or anti-Clinton mania that in many ways obscured the deeper, wider importance of what we had reported. This was, after all, the thoroughly documented story of an enormous crime -- of billions of dollars in gunrunning and drug smuggling done with the apparent collusion and cover-up of the U.S. government. It raised ominous questions not only about Bill Clinton, but about presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush as well -- not simply a single set of scoundrels, but a far larger culture of official lawlessness. And behind the sorry episode at *The Washington Post* was something nearly as sinister -- the tragic inability or refusal of a major media institution to confront that malignant dark side of American life and governance, even when presented with unprecedented evidence. It had all begun almost by accident. As a member of the Association of National Security Alumni, a group of onetime CIA, White House, and other officials devoted to reform in intelligence and foreign policy, Roger Morris had first read about Mena in the organization's newsletter, *Unclassified*, where an article early in the 1992 campaign summarized the fragmentary, largely undocumented accounts of Barry Seal's operation in western Arkansas in the eighties. By the spring of 1993, Morris had started a book on Bill and Hillary Clinton, including their Arkansas background, and had begun to gather a thick file on Mena. Trips and literally dozens of phone calls back and forth to Arkansas added significantly to the sources -- many of them sworn, on the record, and previously unreported. Still, the sheer detail and exact magnitude of the smuggling and money laundering lacked hard evidence. With the exception of a lone account by reporter Bill Plante with producer Michael Singer on the CBS evening news, and two *Wall Street Journal* editorial-page feature pieces by Micah Morrison -- all in 1994, and drawing mainly on known sources and accounts -- the story remained a silhouette, and largely on the disdained margin of American journalism. Most major papers and networks ignored the scandal. A few, like *Time* or *The Post* itself, had written about it only to ridicule the accusations. Meanwhile, in summer 1993, Morris shared his bulging Mena files with a close friend and colleague, Sally Denton, whose book on drugs and political corruption in Kentucky, *The Bluegrass Conspiracy*, was seen by many investigative reporters as a small classic on its kindred subject. Instantly recognizing the gravity of the material, familiar from her own experience with the censure or aversion of the general media to such reporting, Denton instantly offered to pursue the story herself while Morris concentrated on other aspects of his book. Over the next year, Denton scoured her considerable law-enforcement and underworld sources throughout the nation, calling in or sending packages of an ever-growing mass of new evidence. By late summer 1994, what we called the Seal archive was mostly gathered -- more than 2,000 documents, from the smallest receipt to whole volumes of investigation, that left no doubt about at least the seminal crimes in Mena. Last autumn, we first submitted a brief op-ed version of the piece to *The New York Times*, which promptly turned it down. This was essentially a *Wall Street Journal* subject that *The Times* had not pursued as reportage, op-ed editor Michael Levitas told Morris. While they had no reason to doubt the documentation or the import of the story, the great gray *Times*, for now, would pass. Without hesitation, we went next to *The Washington Post*, obviously looking for much the same political impact and mainstream authority. Less than an hour after we had faxed a copy to the *Post's Outlook* section, Deputy Editor Jeffrey Frank called back with warm acceptance and support. It was obviously an extraordinary article, Frank told us, and though it would have to be thoroughly checked and carefully steered through the paper, he would do all he could to see it published. Over the next 11 weeks, from early November 1994 to late January 1995, there were repeated delays and postponements, most ascribed to the election aftermath, the new Congress, and the holidays. But Frank and his staff were steady in their editorial commitment and enthusiasm, something Denton saw firsthand in a visit in *Outlook* offices before Christmas. Meanwhile, as the article was set in galleys, there were numerous faxes back and forth, shipments of documents, photos, and even stills from videotape, and weeks of painstaking checking, editing, and legal review by the *Post's* in-house lawyers, carefully chosen to avoid any potential conflict of interest with attorneys the paper might share somehow with the Clintons. "Just get everybody on board," Frank said Executive Editor Leonard Downie had told him. And Frank had done just that, as we patiently answered queries from any number of *Post* editors and reporters who had been remotely associated with aspects of the story -- far more, we were told later, than to the usual *Outlook* piece. But then, we recognized that this was anything but usual. At last, on January 25, it all seemed done. Everyone had signed off, we were assured. The galleys were in final form, the contracts signed, and publication was set for a major splash on Sunday the twenty-ninth. Often strained over the weeks of work and marshaling, Frank's own voice seemed audibly relaxed as we began talking about how we would respond to other media questions. Then suddenly -- literally at the last moment -- as *Outlook* went to press on January 26, Frank was on the message machine saying Managing Editor Robert Kaiser had held the story yet again. At the same moment, we were being called by the London *Sunday Telegraph*, whose correspondence had been leaked an early version of the piece (by a source high up at *The Post*, we were told) and had learned even before we did that the story was being held once more. He was now planning to file his own dispatch on the whole episode, perhaps including the piece itself. A bit desperate, we called Bob Kaiser directly, not to lobby further for the story -- which Frank had told us would be in vain -- but to alert him to the disturbing news of the *Telegraph* leak. But even after Morris explained all that through a secretary, Kaiser refused to come on the line. "He doesn't want to talk to you," she said. Frustrated, furious, convinced that Kaiser was not dealing with the story professionally -- and likely never would -- we pulled it. We still don't know why the story was suppressed, though rumors abound -- of CIA compromises at *The Post*, of calls from the White House, or some imagined rivalry between Morris's book and a Clinton biography by a longtime *Post* reporter, soon to be serialized and, unusually, promoted in the paper. Whatever the motives, however, the fact remains that once more, mainstream media had turned away from the dark side, perhaps dreading what it would find there and what it would have to do as a result, perhaps afraid of something of its own reflection. As so often in the past, the public service of airing stores like Mena would fall to braver outlets, like *Penthouse*. -- Sally Denton and Roger Morris. The Crimes of Mena by Sally Denton and Roger Morris Penthouse July, 1995 Barry Seal -- gunrunner, drug trafficker, and covert CIA operative extraordinaire -- is hardly a familiar name in American politics. But nine years after he was murdered in a hail of bullets by Medellin cartel hit men outside a Salvation Army shelter in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, he has come back to haunt the reputations of three American presidents. Seal's legacy includes more than 2,000 newly discovered documents that now verify and quantify much of what previously had been only suspicion, conjecture, and legend. The documents confirm that from 1981 to his brutal death in 1986, Barry Seal carried on one of the most lucrative, extensive, and brazen operations in the history of the international drug trade, and that he did it with evident complicity, if not collusion, of elements of the United States government, apparently with the acquiescence of Ronald Reagan's administration, impunity from any subsequent exposure by George Bush's administration, and under the usually acute political nose of then Arkansas governor Bill Clinton. The newly unearthed papers show the real Seal as far more impressive and well-connected than the character played by Dennis Hopper in a made-for-TV movie some years ago, loosely based on the smuggler's life. The film portrayed the pudgy pilot as a hapless victim, caught in a cross fire between bungling but benign government agencies and Latin drug lords. The truth sprinkled through the documents is a richer -- and altogether more sinister -- matter of national and individual corruption. It is a tale of massive, socially devastating crime, of what seems to have been an official cover-up to match, and, not the least, of the strange reluctance of so-called mainstream American journalism to come to grips with the phenomenon and its ominous implications -- even when the documentary evidence had appeared. The trail winds back to another slightly bruited but obscure name -- a small place in western Arkansas called Mena. Of the many stories emerging from Arkansas of the 1980s that was a crucible to the Clinton presidency, none has been more elusive than the charges surrounding Mena. Nestled in the dense pine and hardwood forests of the Oachita Mountains, some 160 miles west of Little Rock, once thought a refuge for nineteenth-century border outlaws and even a hotbed of Depression-era anarchists, the tiny town has been the locale for persistent reports of drug smuggling, gunrunning, and money laundering tracing to the early eighties, when Seal based his aircraft at Mena's Intermountain Regional Airport. >From first accounts circulating locally in Arkansas, the story surfaced nationally as early as 1989 in a *Penthouse* article called "Snowbound," written by investigative reporter John Cummings, and in a Jack Anderson column, but was never advanced at the time by other media. Few reporters covering Clinton in the 1992 campaign missed hearing at least something about Mena. But it was obviously a serious and demanding subject -- the specter of vast drug smuggling with CIA involvement -- and none of the major media pursued it seriously. During 1992, the story was kept alive by Sarah McClendon, *The Nation*, and *The Village Voice*. Then, after Clinton became president, Mena began to reappear. Over the past year, CBS News and *The Wall Street Journal* have reported the original, unquieted charges surrounding Mena, including the shadow of some CIA (or "national security") involvement in the gun and drug traffic, and the apparent failure of then governor Clinton to pursue evidence of such international crime so close to home. "Seal was smuggling drugs and kept his planes at Mena," *The Wall Street Journal* reported in 1994. "He also acted as an agent for the DEA. In one of these missions, he flew the plane that produced photographs of Sandinistas loading drugs in Nicaragua. He was killed by a drug gang [Medellin cartel hit men] in Baton Rouge. The cargo plane he flew was the same one later flown by Eugene Hasenfus when he was shot down over Nicaragua with a load of contra supplies." In a mix of wild rumor and random fact, Mena has also been a topic of ubiquitous anti-Clinton diatribes circulated by right-wing extremists -- an irony in that the Mena operation was the apparent brainchild of the two previous and Republican administrations. Still, most of the larger American media have continued to ignore, if not ridicule, the Mena accusations. Finding no conspiracy in the Oachitas last July, a *Washington Post* reporter typically scoffed at the "alleged dark deeds," contrasting Mena with an image as "Clandestination, Arkansas...Cloak and Dagger Capital of America." Noting that *The New York Times* had "mentioned Mena primarily as the headquarters of the American Rock Garden Society," the *Columbia Journalism Review* in a recent issue dismissed "the conspiracy theories" as of "dubious relevance." A former Little Rock businessman, Terry Reed, has coauthored with John Cummings a highly controversial book, *Compromised: Clinton, Bush, and the CIA*, which describes a number of covert activities around Mena, including a CIA operation to train pilots and troops for the Nicaraguan Contras, and the collusion of local officials. Both the book and its authors were greeted with derision. Now, however, a new mass of documentary evidence has come to light regarding just such "dark deeds" -- previously private and secret records that substantiate as never before some of the worst and most portentous suspicions about what went on at Mena, Arkansas, a decade ago. Given the scope and implications of the Mena story, it may be easy to understand the media's initial skepticism and reluctance. But it was never so easy to dismiss the testimony and suspicions of some of those close to the matter: Internal Revenue Service Agent Bill Duncan, Arkansas State Police Investigator Russell Welch, Arkansas Attorney General J. Winston Bryant, Congressman Bill Alexander, and various other local law-enforcement officials and citizens. All of these people were convinced by the late eighties that there existed what Bryant termed "credible evidence" of the most serious criminal activity involving Mena between 1981 and 1986. They also believed that crimes were committed with the acquiescence, if not the complicity, of elements of the U.S. government. But they couldn't seem to get the national media to pay attention. During the 1992 campaign, outside advisers and aides urged former California governor Jerry Brown to raise the Mena issue against Clinton -- at least to ask why the Arkansas governor had not done more about such serious international crime so close to home. But Brown, too, backed away from the subject. "I'll raise it if the major media break it first," he told aides. "The media will do it, Governor," one of them replied in frustration, "if only you'll raise it." Mena's obscure airport was thought by the IRS, the FBI, U.S. Customs, and the Arkansas State Police to be a base for Adler Berriman "Barry" Seal, a self-confessed, convicted smuggler whose operations had been linked to the intelligence community. Duncan and Welch both spent years building cases against Seal and others for drug smuggling and money laundering around Mena, only to see their own law-enforcement careers damaged in the process. What evidence they gathered, they have said in testimony and other public statements, was not sufficiently pursued by the then U.S. attorney for the region, J. Michael Fitzhugh, or by the IRS, Arkansas State Police, and other agencies. Duncan, testifying before the joint investigation by the Arkansas state attorney general's office and the United States Congress in June 1991, said that 29 federal indictments drafted in a Mena-based money- laundering scheme had gone unexplored. Fitzhugh, responding at the tie to Duncan's charges, said, "This office has not slowed up any investigation... [and] has never been under any pressure in any investigation." By 1992, to Duncan's and Welch's mounting dismay, several other official inquiries into the alleged Mena connection were similarly ineffectual or were stifled altogether, furthering their suspicions of government collusion and cover-up. In his testimony before Congress, Duncan said the IRS "withdrew support for the operations" and further directed him to "withhold information from Congress and perjure myself." Duncan later testified that he had never before experienced "anything remotely akin to this type of interference.... Alarms were going off," he continued, "and as soon as Mr. Fitzhugh got involved, he was more aggressive in not allowing the subpoenas and in interfering in the investigative process." State policeman Russell Welch felt he was "probably the most knowledgeable person" regarding the activities at Mena, yet he was not initially subpoenaed to testify before the grand jury. Welch testified later that the only reason he was ultimately subpoenaed at all was because one of the grand jurors was from Mena and "told the others that if they wanted to know something about the Mena airport, they ought to ask that guy [Welch] out there in the hall." State Attorney General Bryant, in a 1991 letter to the office of Lawrence Walsh, the independent counsel in the Iran-Contra investigation, wondered "why no one was prosecuted in Arkansas despite a mountain of evidence that Seal was using Arkansas as his principle staging area during the years 1982 through 1985." What actually went on in the woods of western Arkansas? The question is still relevant for what it may reveal about certain government operations during the time that Reagan and Bush were in the White House and Clinton was governor of Arkansas. In a mass of startling new documentation -- the more than 2,000 papers gathered by the authors from private and law-enforcement sources in a year-long nationwide search -- answers are found and serious questions are posed. These newly unearthed documents --the veritable private papers of Barry Seal -- substantiate at least part of what went on at Mena. What might be called the Seal archive dates back to 1981, when Seal began his operations at the Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena. The archive, all of it now in our possession, continues beyond February 1986, when Seal was murdered by Colombian assassins after he had testified in federal court in Las Vegas, Fort Lauderdale, and Miami for the U.S. government against leaders of the Medellin drug cartel. The papers include such seemingly innocuous material as Seal's bank and telephone records; negotiable instruments, promissory notes, and invoices; personal correspondence; address and appointment books; bills of sale for aircraft and boats; aircraft registration, and modification work orders. In addition, the archive also contains personal diaries; handwritten to-do lists and other private notes; secretly tape-recorded conversations; and cryptographic keys and legends for codes used in the Seal operation. Finally, there are extensive official records; federal investigative and surveillance reports, accounting assessments by the IRS and DEA, and court proceedings not previously reported in the press -- testimony as well as confidential pre-sentencing memoranda in federal narcotics-trafficking trials in Florida and Nevada -- numerous depositions, and other sworn statements. The archive paints a vivid portrait not only of a major criminal conspiracy around Mena, but also of the unmistakable shadow of government complicity. Among the new revelations: Mena, from 1981 to 1985, was indeed one of the centers for international smuggling traffic. According to official IRS and DEA calculations, sworn court testimony, and other corroborative records, the traffic amounted to thousands of kilos of cocaine and heroin and literally hundreds of millions of dollars in drug profits. According to a 1986 letter from the Louisiana attorney general to then U.S. attorney general Edwin Meese, Seal "smuggled between $3 billion and $5 billion of drugs into the U.S." Seal himself spent considerable sums to land, base, maintain, and specially equip or refit his aircraft for smuggling. According to personal and business records, he had extensive associations at Mena and in Little Rock, and was in nearly constant telephone contact with Mena when he was not there himself. Phone records indicate Seal made repeated calls to Mena the day before his murder. This was long after Seal, according to his own testimony, was working as an $800,000-a-year informant for the federal government. A former member of the Army Special Forces, Seal had ties to the Central Intelligence Agency dating to the early 1970s. He had confided to relatives and others, according to their sworn statements, that he was a CIA operative before and during the period when he established his operations at Mena. In one statement to Louisiana State Police, a Seal relative said, "Barry was into gunrunning and drug smuggling in Central and South America... and he had done some time in El Salvadore [sic]." Another added, "It was true, but at the time Barry was working for the CIA." In a posthumous jeopardy-assessment case against Seal -- also documented in the archive -- the IRS determined that money earned by Seal between 1984 and 1986 was not illegal because of his "CIA-DEA employment." The only public official acknowledgment of Seals's relationship to the CIA has been in court and congressional testimony, and in various published accounts describing the CIA's installation of cameras in Seal's C-123K transport plane, used in a highly celebrated 1984 sting operation against the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Robert Joura, the assistant special agent in charge of the DEA's Houston office and the agent who coordinated Seal's undercover work, told *The Washington Post* last year that Seal was enlisted by the CIA for one sensitive mission -- providing photographic evidence that the Sandinistas were letting cocaine from Colombia move through Nicaragua. A spokesman for then Senate candidate Oliver North told *The Post* that North had been kept aware of Seal's work through "intelligence sources." Federal Aviation Administration registration records contained in the archive confirm that aircraft identified by federal and state narcotics agents as in the Seal smuggling operation were previously owned by Air America, Inc., widely reported to have been a CIA proprietary company. Emile Camp, one of Seal's pilots and a witness to some of his most significant dealings, was killed on a mountainside near Mena in 1985 in the unexplained crash of one of those planes that had once belonged to Air America. According to still other Seal records, at least some of the aircraft in his smuggling fleet, which included a Lear jet, helicopters, and former U.S. military transports, were also outfitted with avionics and other equipment by yet another company in turn linked to Air America. Among the aircraft flown in and out of Mena was Seal's C-123K cargo plane, christened *Fat Lady*. The records show that *Fat Lady*, serial number 54-0679, was sold by Seal months before his death. According to other files, the plane soon found its way to a phantom company of what became known in the Iran-Contra scandal as "the Enterprise," the CIA-related secret entity managed by Oliver North and others to smuggle illegal weapons to the Nicaraguan Contra rebels. According to former DEA agent Celerino Castilo and others, the aircraft was allegedly involved in a return traffic in cocaine, profits from which were then used to finance more clandestine gunrunning. FAA records show that in October 1986, the same *Fat Lady* was shot down over Nicaragua with a load of arms destined for the Contras. Documents found on board the aircraft and seized by the Sandinistas included logs linking the plane with Area 51 -- the nation's top-secret nuclear-weapons facility at the Nevada Test Site. The doomed aircraft was co-piloted by Wallace Blaine "Buzz" Sawyer, a native of western Arkansas, who died in the crash. The admissions of the surviving crew member, Eugene Hasenfus, began a public unraveling of the Iran-Contra episode. An Arkansas gun manufacturer testified in 1993 in federal court in Fayetteville that the CIA contracted with him to build 250 automatic pistols for the Mena operation. William Holmes testified that he had been introduced in Mena by a CIA operative, and that he then sold weapons to Seal. Even though he was given a Department of Defense purchase order for guns fitted with silencers, Holmes testified that he was never paid the $140,000 the government owed him. "After the Hasenfus plane was shot down," Holmes said, "you couldn't find a soul around Mena." Meanwhile, there was still more evidence that Seal's massive smuggling operation based in Arkansas had been part of a CIA operation, and that the crimes were continuing well after Seal's murder. In 1991 sworn testimony to both Congressman Alexander and Attorney General Bryant, state police investigator Welch recorded that in 1987 he had documented "new activity at the [Mena] airport with the appearance of... an Australian business [a company linked with the CIA], and C-130s had appeared..." At the same time, according to Welch, two FBI agents officially informed him that the CIA "had something going on at the Mena Airport involving Southern Air Transport [another company linked with the CIA]...and they didn't want us [the Arkansas State Police] to screw it up like we had the last one." The hundreds of millions in profits generated by the Seal trafficking via Mena and other outposts resulted in extraordinary banking and business practices in apparent efforts to launder or disperse the vast amounts of illicit money in Arkansas and elsewhere. Seal's financial records show from the early eighties, for example, instances of daily deposits of $50,000 or more, and extensive use of an offshore foreign bank in the Caribbean, as well as financial institutions in Arkansas and Florida. According to IRS criminal investigator Duncan, secretaries at the Mena Airport told him that when Seal flew into Mena, "there would be stacks of cash to be taken to the bank and laundered." One secretary told him that she was ordered to obtain numerous cashier's checks, each in an amount just under $10,000, at various banks in Mena and surrounding communities, to avoid filing the federal Currency Transaction Reports required for all bank transactions that exceed that limit. Bank tellers testified before a federal grand jury that in November 1982, a Mena airport employee carried a suitcase containing more than $70,000 into a bank. "The bank officer went down the teller lines handing out the stacks of $1,000 bills and got the cashier's checks." Law-enforcement sources confirmed that hundreds of thousands of dollars were laundered from 1981 to 1983 just in a few small banks near Mena, and that millions more from Seal's operation were laundered elsewhere in Arkansas and the nation. Spanish-language documents in Seal's possession at the time of his murder also indicate that he had accounts throughout Central America and was planning to set up his own bank in the Caribbean. Additionally, Seal's files suggest a grandiose scheme for building an empire. Papers in his office at the time of his death include references to dozens of companies -- all of which had names that began with Royale. Among them: Royale Sports, Royale Television Network, Royale Liquors, Royale Casino, S.A., Royale Pharmaceuticals, Royale Arabians, Royale Seafood, Royale Security, Royale Resorts... and on and on. Seal was scarcely alone in his extensive smuggling operation based in Mena from 1981 to 1986, commonly described in both federal and state law-enforcement files as one of the largest drug-trafficking operations in the United States at the time, if not in the history of the drug trade. Documents show Seal confiding on one occasion that he was "only the transport," pointing to an extensive network of narcotics distribution and finance in Arkansas and other states. After drugs were smuggled across the border, the duffel bags of cocaine would be retrieved by helicopters and dropped onto flatbed trucks destined for various American cities. In recognition of Seal's significance in the drug trade, government prosecutors made him their chief witness in various cases, including a 1985 Miami trial in absentia of Medellin drug lords; in another 1985 trial of what federal officials regarded as the largest narcotics-trafficking case to date in Las Vegas; and in still a third prosecution of corrupt officials in the Turks and Caicos Islands. At the same time, court records and other documents reveal a studied indifference by government prosecutors to Seal's earlier and ongoing operations at Mena. In the end, the Seal documents are vindication for dedicated officials in Arkansas like agents Duncan and Welch and local citizens' groups like the Arkansas Committee, whose own evidence and charges take on a new gravity -- and also for *The Nation*, *The Village Voice*, the Association of National Security Alumni, the venerable Washington journalists Sarah McClendon and Jack Anderson, Arkansas reporters Rodney Bowers and Mara Leveritt, and others who kept an all-too-authentic story alive amid wider indifference. But now the larger implications of the newly exposed evidence seem as disturbing as the criminal enormity it silhouettes. Like his modern freebooter's life, Seal's documents leave the political and legal landscape littered with stark questions. What, for example, happened to some nine different official investigations into Mena after 1987, from allegedly compromised federal grand juries to congressional inquiries suppressed by the National Security Council in 1988 under Ronald Reagan to still later Justice Department inaction under George Bush? Officials repeatedly invoked national security to quash most of the investigations. Court documents *do* show clearly that the CIA and the DEA employed Seal during 1984 and 1985 for the Reagan administration's celebrated sting attempt to implicate the Nicaraguan Sandinista regime in cocaine trafficking. According to a December 1988 Senate Foreign Relations Committee report, "cases were dropped. The apparent reason was that the prosecution might have revealed national-security information, even though all of the crimes which were the focus of the investigation occurred before Seal became a federal informant." Tax records show that, having assessed Seal posthumously for some $86 million in back taxes on his earnings from Mena and elsewhere between 1981 and 1983, even the IRS forgave the taxes on hundreds of millions in known drug and gun profits over the ensuing two-year period when Seal was officially admitted to be employed by the government. To follow the IRS logic, what of the years, crimes, and profits at Mena in the early eighties, before Barry Seal became an acknowledged federal operative, as well as the subsequently reported drug-trafficking activities at Mena even *after* his murder -- crimes far removed from his admitted cooperation as government informant and witness? "Joe [name deleted] works for Seal and cannot be touched because Seal works for the CIA," a Customs official said in an Arkansas investigation into drug trafficking during the early eighties. "A CIA or DEA operation is taking place at the Mena airport," an FBI telex advised the Arkansas State Police in August 1987, 18 months after Seal's murder. Welch later testified that a Customs agent told him, "Look, we've been told not to touch anything that has Barry Seal's name on it, just to let it go." The London *Sunday Telegraph* recently reported new evidence, including a secret code number, that Seal was also working as an operative of the Defense Intelligence Agency during the period of the gunrunning and drug smuggling. Perhaps most telling is what is so visibly missing from the voluminous files. In thousands of pages reflecting a man of meticulous organization and planning, Barry Seal seems to have felt singularly and utterly secure -- if not somehow invulnerable -- at least in the ceaseless air transport and delivery into the United States of tons of cocaine for more than five years. In a 1986 letter to the DEA, the commander and deputy commander of narcotics for the Louisiana State Police say that Seal "was being given apparent free rein to import drugs in conjunction with DEA investigations with so little restraint and control on his actions as to allow him the opportunity to import drugs for himself should he have been so disposed." Seal's personal videotapes, in the authors' possession, show one scene in which he used U.S. Army paratroop equipment, as well as military-like precision, in his drug-transporting operation. Then, in the middle of the afternoon, after a number of dry runs, one of his airplanes dropped a load of several duffel bags attached to a parachute. Within seconds, the cargo sitting on the remote grass landing strip was retrieved by Seal and loaded onto a helicopter that had followed the low-flying aircraft. "This is he first daylight cocaine drop in the history of the state of Louisiana," Seal narrates on the tape. If the duffel bags seen in the smuggler's home movies were filled with cocaine -- as Seal himself states on tape -- that single load would have been worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Perhaps the videos were not of an actual cocaine drop, but merely the drug trafficker's training video for his smuggling organization, or even a test maneuver. Regardless, the films show a remarkable, fearless invincibility. Barry Seal was not expecting apprehension. His most personal papers show him all but unconcerned about the very flights and drops that would indeed have been protected or "fixed," according to law-enforcement sources, by the collusion of U.S. intelligence. In an interview with agent Duncan, Seal brazenly "admitted that he had been a drug smuggler." If the Seal documents show anything, an attentive reader might conclude, it is that ominous implication of some official sanction. Over the entire episode looms the unmistakable shape of government collaboration in vast drug trafficking and gunrunning, and in a decade-long cover-up of criminality. Government investigators apparently had no doubt about the magnitude of those crimes. According to Customs sources, Seal's operations at Mena and other bases were involved in the export of guns to Bolivia, Argentina, Peru, and Brazil, as well as to the Contras, and the importation of cocaine from Colombia to be sold in New York, Chicago, Detroit, St. Louis, and other cities, as well as in Arkansas itself. Duncan and his colleagues knew that Seal's modus operandi included dumping most of the drugs in other southern states, so that what Arkansas agents witnessed in Mena was but a tiny fragment of an operation staggering it its magnitude. Yet none of the putative inquiries seems to have made a serious effort to gather even a fraction of the available Seal documents now assembled and studied by the authors. Finally, of course, there are somber questions about then governor Clinton's own role vis-a-vis the crimes of Mena. Clinton has acknowledged learning officially about Mena only in April 1988, though a state police investigation had been in progress for several years. As the state's chief executive, Clinton often claimed to be fully abreast of such inquiries. In his one public statement on the matter as governor, in September 1991, he spoke of that investigation finding "linkages to the federal government," and "all kinds of questions about whether he [Seal] had any links to the CIA... and if that backed into the Iran-Contra deal." But then Clinton did not offer further support for any inquiry, "despite the fact," as Bill Plante and Michael Singer of CBS News have written, "that a Republican administration was apparently sponsoring a Contra-aid operation in his state and protecting a smuggling ring that flew tons of cocaine through Arkansas." As recently as March 1995, Arkansas state trooper Larry Patterson testified under oath, according to the London *Sunday Telegraph*, that he and other officers "discussed repeatedly in Clinton's presence" the "large quantities of drugs being flown into the Mena airport, large quantities of money, large quantities of guns," indicating that Clinton may have known much more about Seal's activities than he has admitted. Moreover, what of the hundreds of millions generated by Seal's Mena contraband? The Seal records reveal his dealings with at least one major Little Rock bank. How much drug money from him or his associates made its way into criminal laundering in Arkansas's notoriously freewheeling financial institutions and bond houses, some of which are reportedly under investigation by the Whitewater special prosecutor for just such large, unaccountable infusions of cash and unexplained transactions? "The state offers an enticing climate for traffickers," IRS agents had concluded by the end of the eighties, documenting a "major increase" in the amount of large cash and bank transactions in Arkansas after 1985, despite a struggling local economy. Meanwhile, prominent backers of Clinton's over the same years -- including bond broker and convicted drug dealer Dan Lasater and chicken tycoon Don Tyson -- have themselves been subjects of extensive investigative and surveillance files by the DEA or the FBI similar to those relating to Seal, including allegations of illegal drug activity that Tyson has recently acknowledged publicly and denounced as "totally false." "This may be the first president in history with such close buddies who have NADDIS numbers" says one concerned law-enforcement official, referring to the Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs Intelligence System numbers assigned those under protracted investigation for possible drug crimes. The Seal documents are still more proof that Clinton, the Arkansas of the eighties and the company that he kept there will not soon disappear as a political or even constitutional liability. "I've always felt we never got the whole story there," Clinton said in 1991. Indeed. But as president of the United States, he need no longer wonder -- and neither should the nation. On the basis of the Seal documents (copies of which are being given to the Whitewater special prosecutor in any case), the president should ask immediately for a full report on the matter from the CIA, the DEA, the FBI, the Justice Department, and other relevant agencies of his own administration -- including the long-buried evidence gathered by IRS agent Duncan and Arkansas state police investigator Welch. President Clinton should also offer full executive-branch cooperation with a reopened congressional inquiry, and expose the subject fully for what it says of both the American past and future. Seal saw himself as a patriot to the end. He had dictated his own epitaph for his grave in Baton Rouge: "A rebel adventurer the likes of whom in previous days made America great." In a sense, his documents may now render that claim less ironic than it seems. The tons of drugs that Seal and his associates brought into the country, officials agree, affected tens of thousands of lives at the least, and exacted an incalculable toll on American society. And for the three presidents, the enduring questions of political scandal are once again apt: What did they know about Mena? When did they now it? Why didn't they do anything to stop it? The crimes of Mena were real. That much is now documented beyond doubt. The only remaining issues are how far they extended, and who was responsible. ~END ~ ----- End Included Message ----- Date: Sun Aug 27, 1995 7:26 pm CST From: Richard Clark EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: cardin@slip.net TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: A review of the Mena coke operation The secretaries employed at the Mena airport have testified that when Barry Seal flew into Mena "there would be stacks of cash to be taken to the bank and laundered." One secretary told IRS investigator Bill Duncan that she was ordered to obtain numerous cashier's checks, each in an amount just under $10,000, at various banks around Mena. Why? --- So that federal Currency Transaction Reports would not have to be filed. Bank tellers testified before a federal grand jury about an instance when a Mena airport employee carried a suitcase into their bank that was stuffed with $70,000 in cash. The bank officer calmly proceeded from one teller to the next, handing out stacks of hundred dollar bills to each one, so that the proper cashier's checks could be drawn up without delay. (The best customers get the best service.) Between 1981 and 1983, hundreds of thousands of dollars were in this way laundered just in the few small banks near Mena, according to law- enforcement sources. Millions more were laundered throughout Arkansas. [According to other sources there is also evidence that then- governor Clinton was able to siphon off some of these proceeds, putting them to use in the purchase of political advantage not otherwise available. Apparently much of Arkansas was benefiting from this operation, especially the Arkansas Development Finance Authority (AFDA), which helped launder (and disburse) much of the money. Political payoffs were rampant.] Of special interest here, to the Whitewater special prosecutor, were the huge and completely unaccountable infusions of cash into various Arkansas financial institutions. IRS records show a "major increase" in the amount of large cash and bank transactions in Arkansas around this period, despite a rather poor and struggling local economy. It would seem that unless the Whitewater investigation is somehow corrupted or stopped, some very upsetting truth is likely to emerge. Note: many of the recently unearthed Barry Seal documents have been forwarded to the Whitewater special prosecutor because they are believed to have great relevance to that investigation. What happened to the nine different investigations into Mena after 1987? Mainly it was a matter of compromised federal grand juries and congressional inquiries that were suppressed by the National Security Council under Ronald Reagan's directives. Then there was Justice Department sand-bagging under George Bush. The whole story had to be quashed for reasons of "national security." It seems that Reagan, Bush and Clinton can't imagine a nation in which the truth about this would come out. Why? Perhaps because it would be a nation in which they would be in jail. Curiously, as governor of Arkansas in 1991, Clinton publicly acknowledged that the Mena investigation had found "linkages to the federal government," and had come up with "all kinds of questions about whether he [Barry Seal] had any links to the CIA" and about whether or not this was tied into "the Iran-Contra deal." But then Clinton apparently decided it would not be to his advantage to press for any further inquiry. Meanwhile his principal political backers in Arkansas are under FBI investigation and have been assigned case numbers under the Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs Intelligence System. Clinton's failure, as governor, to press for an investigation of this is mighty strange, according to Bill Plante and Michael Singer of CBS News. They write that "a Republican administration was apparently sponsoring a Contra-aid operation in his state and protecting a smuggling ring that flew tons of cocaine through Arkansas." Now, for the time being, one can only speculate as to why _president_ Bill, now that he has the power, does not immediately ask for a full report from the CIA, IRS, DEA, and FBI about their rather abundant and long-surpressed records having to do with the Mena operation. Why must the cover-up continue, Bill? Why not bring the whole truth out into the open? Could the answer to this question possibly have something to do with the tens of thousands of lives that have been destroyed by these tons of coke that were flown into Arkansas? Could it possibly have something to do with the tens of thousands of young black men whose souls rot in the proliferating numbers of penitentiaries that have had to be constructed to house them all? Worst of all, could these be the people who unwittingly made it possible for Bill Clinton to become president? Richard Clark Date: Sun Aug 27, 1995 7:28 pm CST From: Randy Benes EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: DFFC45B@prodigy.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Impending Crisis Over Whitewater IMPENDING CRISIS OVER WHITEWATER by Paul Craig Roberts The liberal media and Moderate Rebublicans are trying to psych-out Gingrich and Company in order to prevent any fundamental changes. The argument is that if the Repub- licans go too far, President Clinton will veto their measures. It is better, say the liberals and the moderates, to compromise in behalf of limited change inplace of none at all. The truth is the opposite. If Mr. Clinton cooperates with the Republican agenda, he may be spared Whitewatergate im- peachment. There is no question that Mr. Clinton is at least as vulnerahle as was Mr. Nixon. Sen. Alfonse D'Amato, chair- man of the Senate Banking Committee, could easily drive Mr. Clinton from office with Whitewater hearings. Indeed, many people believe that the only thing that will keep Mr. Clinton from being indicted is that he is more valuable to Republicans in office. One often hears in Republican circles that " Jimmy Carter gave us Reagan, and Clinton gave us a Republican Congress. Clinton is destroying the Democratic Party. Why do we want to evict him? " Keeping Mr. Clinton in office might not be a bad strategy, but the problem for Republicans is that Whitewater may be too explosive for them to sit on. Serious discrepancies between the testimony of eyewitnesses and the official report on Deputy White Counsel Vincent Foster's death have forced Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr to reopen the inquiry. Two rescue workers, George Gonzalez and Todd Hall, summoned to Fort Marcy Park when Mr. Foster's body was discovered have told authorities that they saw Mr. Foster's briefcase in his car in the Fort Marcy parking lot. This is big trouble for the official report that places the briefcase in Mr. Foster's White House office with a torn-up suicide note. This discrepancy gives new weight to the witness who found Mr. Foster's body and has testified under oath that no gun or weapon was present on the scene. Something is seriously amiss when the official report is so totally at odds at crucial points with eyewitness accounts. Whitewater is proving explosive for another reason as well. It is increasingly pointing to Mena, Ark., the site of gun- running and drug-smuggling operations in the 1980s. A former Air Force intelligence officer has published a book charging that Clinton friends laundered drug money through the Arkansas Development Finance Authority, a state agency under Gov. Clinton's direct control. Whatever was going on in Mena was big enough that powerful interests in both political parties are determined to keep the lid on. Rep. Bill Alexander, who represented Arkansas for 24 years in the House, was unable to get anywhere with his efforts to investigate Mena. "There was enough evidence to begin cracking it open," says Mr. Alexander, " and sud- denly nobody wanted to touch it. I want to know why. " Mr. Alexander notes that despite having "the highest possible clearance that the government can provide for secrecy," he was "denied access to information in a criminal investigation in my own state." Bill Duncan and Russell Welch, respectively Internal Revenue Service and Arkansas State Police investigators, marshalled evidence of money-laundering connected to the Mena activit- ies and managed to get a case before a federal grand jury, but it was botched. Several grand jurors complained of "some type of government intervention" that resulted in a coverup. The book by the former Air Force intelligence officer drags so many prominent names through the mire that it almost looks like an attempt to convince the public that Mena is nothing but a wild conspiracy theory. An excess of kooky charges is one way to kill an investigation. If Mena proves to be about anything, I predict it will be a story of the corruption of U.S. politics by drug money. Recently Hernan Cubillos, former foreign minister of Chile, wrote in the Wall Street Journal that "armies that fight drug traffickers become corrupted by them." He notes that "by pushing Latin America's armies into a war on drugs" the United States has caused two South American countries to "have parallel government financed by drug money." Mr. Cubillos says there are only two solutions to the drug problem, drastic Singapore-style punishments or legalizat- ion. "Either would destroy the drug lords. What the U.S. is now doing empowers them. The best way to avoid a political crisis when the Mena story finally breaks is for Gingrich and Company to have already pulled off a political revolution in Washington. Paul Craig Roberts is a columnist for the Washington Times and is nationally syndicated. Date: Sun Aug 27, 1995 6:33 pm CST From: Martin Anderson EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: anderso1@ix.netcom.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Fwd: Re: Clinton/Bush: Co-conspirators in CIA Drug Smuggling (part 4 of 5) ---- Begin Forwarded Message 220 14023 <41qi6f$q40@ixnews4.ix.netcom.com> article Path: ix.netcom.com!netnews From: anderso1@ix.netcom.com (Martin Anderson ) Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: Re: Clinton/Bush: Co-conspirators in CIA Drug Smuggling (part 4 of 5) Date: 27 Aug 1995 19:48:31 GMT Organization: Netcom Lines: 31 Message-ID: <41qi6f$q40@ixnews4.ix.netcom.com> References: <41ps1t$284@news.cais.com> NNTP-Posting-Host: ix-dc14-04.ix.netcom.com In <41ps1t$284@news.cais.com> nemo writes: > >From: >---------------------------------------------------------------------- ------. But in any case, we've collected just about everything > that's publicly available about Mena and all of its ramifications. > It's a tremendous story, and I'd like to emphasize, right now, > that Governor Clinton's part in this is very minor. The real ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > big fish in this story is President George Bush. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ This, folks, is what is called a trial balloon. Its place of birth is the Oval Office and its genesis was not immaculate. The Mena heat is building up, Senator Dole notwithstanding, and a fall back position is being constructed. This will be only the latest version of the ongoing "it wasn't my fault" footnoting of Clintonista history. That should be obvious to all save the average Republican Senator who, of course, will again be blindsided. Martin ---- End Forwarded Message Date: Mon Aug 28, 1995 7:27 am CST From: John Q. Public EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: capmicro@inxpress.net TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Terry Reed Lawsuit: Court Date Delayed till 1/16/96 Washington Weekly, 8/28 edition, reports that Terry Reed has been granted a delay in bringing his lawsuit against Raymond "Buddy" Young et al until 1/16/96. Apparently, Mr. Reed sought the delay because witnesses who didn't wish to be deposed were not showing up for interviews, etc. Date: Mon Aug 28, 1995 7:38 am CST From: ezehr EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: ezehr@capaccess.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: DEA at Mena? In Message-ID: chauptma@netcom.com (Charles Hauppman) wrote: >Strange indeed that Larry all of a sudden has cleared the Republicans of >any connection to Mena. I find that Terry Reeds book is more credible >than some of Larry's comments have been in the past, but still Larry is >on the ground and SHOULD know what happened in the past. Well, it's not really so strange if you have followed Nichols' comments for the past six months or so. He stated his reasons openly in his August 24 interview with Mike Reagan: NICHOLS: Oh absolutely - once, I believe, the Republicans lose the fear that they're gonna get themselves in trouble, then I think you'll see the gates open. You know, that's been one of the major drawbacks to the Republicans - they've been afraid to go after ADFA, because to get to ADFA, you've got to have a source of money. The source of money was Mena. And then if they opened up Mena, they were afraid that they would be getting a whole bunch of Republicans. Nichols believes that the Republicans' fear of uncovering something at Mena that would incriminate some of their own has inhibited them from pursuing the Clinton scandals - from money laundering by ADFA to the death of Vince Foster. Given their timidity in this summer's hearings, he may have a point. Apparently he believes the article to which he referred will support Oliver North's contention that all illicit drug activity in the Contra operation had been reported to the DEA. He hopes that this will remove whatever inhibitions the GOP may have about going after Clinton. Oliver North raises an interesting point about the drug-running allegations in his book *Under Fire*: Very little in my life has angered me as much as the allegations that I or anyone else involved with the resistance had a drug connection. I hate to put it in these terms, but since December 1986, the office of the special prosecutor [Lawrence Walsh] has spent tens of millions of dollars investigating us - and me in particular. If there was even a grain of truth to these stories, it surely would have come out. On the face of it, North would seem to have a point - unless Walsh was reluctant to open that can of worms. Part of the problem is that Mena is not the only place illicit drugs are alleged to have been brought into the country in connection with a covert CIA operation. (See, for example, Sally Denton's book *The Bluegrass Conspiracy* that deals with such a scandal in Kentucky during the 1980s). The deeper one digs into the Mena story and its implications, the broader they appear to be. What, for example, did Ross Perot have against George Bush that made him so antagonistic as to run against him in 1992? Perot is enough of a realist to understand that he had no chance to win - but had a definite opportunity to deny Bush a second term. But why did he do it? It was monstrously expensive, both in terms of money and lost prestige for Perot, who was generally well thought of before he entered the presidential race. To understand this, one must recall that Perot supported Reagan in 1980, and after the election Reagan gave Perot a broad mandate to investigate rumors that American POWs had been abandoned when the U.S. pulled out of Vietnam. Perot was frustrated at every turn by the entrenched bureaucracy. I quote from the book *Kiss the Boys Goodbye*, written by Monika Jensen- Stevenson and William Stevenson and published in 1990: Relations between Bush and Perot had gone downhill ever since the Vice President had asked Ross Perot how his POW/MIA investigations were going. "Well, George, I go in looking for prisoners," said Perot, "but I spend all my time discovering the government has been moving drugs around the world and is involved in illegal arms deals... I can't get at the prisoners because of the corruption among our own covert people." This ended Perot's official access to the highly classified files as a one-man presidential investigator. "I have been ordered to cease and desist," he had informed the families of missing men early in 1987. Of course, this book treats Perot in a favorable light. The quotation obviously came from Perot and was no doubt "remembered" in such a way as to place him at an advantage. Nevertheless, this excerpt suggests the extent to which widespread corruption within the government has poisoned every aspect of its operation and tainted those who chose as their career a life of "public service." Through continuous neglect by all concerned this wound has been allowed to fester until gangrene set in. We have now reached the stage that no thoughtful person is able to believe the lies and cover stories told by government officials who appear desperate to cover their tracks. Unfortunately, many knowledgeable persons within the government and the establishment media (which have become little more than a branch of the government) still pretend to believe the lies. If this situation is not corrected soon, it will destroy the legitimacy of the government. Date: Mon Aug 28, 1995 11:27 am CST From: John Q. Public EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: capmicro@execpc.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: John Crudele, NY Post 8/28 (via Mr. Ken R. Cook) forwarded, without permission Date: Mon, 28 Aug 1995 12:00:57 EDT From: VJDB56A@prodigy.com (MR KEN R COOK) Subject: WW Mailing - 7/28/95 This mailing is going out to all those on my WW mailing list. Here is the latest from John Crudele. It appeared in today's New York Post on page 5. This article, coupled with the Mena-related columns printed by the Washington Times last week should really begin making Mena a household word in America. In Britain, where Mena is a household word, the British equivalent of "60 Minutes" had a film crew in Mena and should have an expose on British television soon - the "telly" as they call it over there. Meanwhile on the FOSTERGATE front, stay tuned. Jim Norman just did two hours on the Jack Christy show yesterday and had some amazing things to say. I hope to get a report out to you all shortly. Read on the Internet that Newsweek (Michael Isikoff) is planning an attack on this article, tying it to "conspiracy theorists." The strategy here will obviously be to turn people off to this article before they even get a chance to read it for themselves. Isikoff is reportedly contacting all reporters who are covering Foster (Ruddy, Pritchard, etc.) for his story. As I've said a million times before, I do not necessarily buy into all the elements of Jim Norman's FOSTERGATE story. But I do feel that Jim Norman sacrificed a lot (he lost his job at Forbes) to get this story out and that he deserves to be heard. I also feel that Norman believes in his story and if it does turn out to be inaccurate, then he was duped by others. Bottom line is that I feel that Norman's motives are pure in this whole matter. Stay tuned, I have some information re: FOSTERGATE that could be earthshattering. There is a chance that a very prominent person may confirm what Norman has reported. I either have to check it out and be sure of myself first before I post it, or I will just have to wait for this person to identify himself. Here's the John Crudele article from todays NY Post: WHITEWATER PROBE MAY EYE ARKANSAS DRUG RING by John Crudele A massive drug-running operation out of Mena, Ark., apparently had a guardian angel. And congressional investigators are now trying to find out who interfered with the ability of law-enforcement authorities to stop the flow of Latin American cocaine into that state and why. The matter is also likely to soon be incorporated into the massive probe of Arkansas state corruption now being conducted by Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr. The drug-running venture poured hundreds of millions of dollars into Arkansas during the mid-1980s. And many believe it was at the root of substantial financial corruption now being uncovered in that state. According to two Arkansas State troopers who I've interviewed by telephone this week, law-enforcement authorities were within minutes of confiscating an aircraft they thought was being used by Barry Seal to smuggle cocaine. Seal was believed to have been a CIA operative who had been enlisted to smuggle guns from Mena, Ark., to Contra rebels in Nicaragua. It was on return flights from Latin America that authorities suspect drugs were stashed on the planes. Seal was killed while working for the government on an undercover operation in the mid-1980s. The troopers say they were ready to confiscate the plane one day in the winter of 1984 when they were suddenly told by someone working for the FBI to leave the aircraft alone. Eleven years later, neither could provide the exact date, but they still have official log books which they say would contain the entry. Neither of these troopers has ever stepped forward with accusations before. And both have been interviewed by an investigator for Iowa Republican Congressman Jim Leach's office. As I said last week, Leach's recent hearings on the Whitewater scandal will probably be expanded to look into the operations of the Arkansas Development and Finance Authority (ADFA) as well as the events that took place at Mena. There have been accusations that ADFA - possibly unknown to its officials - may have been used to launder drug money. Starr isn't permitted to officially look into Mena unless a link between it and the corruption in the Arkansas banking system can be found. One of the troopers, Steve Clements, told me that he was relatively new to the force and was working on the narcotics detail in 1984 when he and partners came upon a suspicious aircraft in Mena. Clements and his partners were waiting in a hotel room, he says, for permission to seize the plane. "All I remember is what my boss told me," said Clements. "He said someone called and told him we could seize it if we want, but they'd get it back in a few minutes." His boss was a man named Finus Duvall, who was the company commander at the criminal investigations division of the state police. Duvall is now retired and says the decision not to take the aircraft was his biggest mistake. "I should have seized it. The worst mistake I ever made was not seizing it because I let the government override the state," he said. "We made a call. We called an outfit called Group 7. It was the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) operation in Miami. They told us that if we took the airplane down, they would be up there in three hours and take it away from us. That particular plane was smuggling cocaine." Duvall couldn't explain why the DEA would quash an operation that could have stopped the flow of narcotics. Bill Clinton, the governor of Arkansas at the time, was "aware that we were investigating but he never knew the minute details because it was too complicated," said Duvall, adding that nobody in the Arkansas government ever interfered with his Mena investigation. Another trooper named L.D. Brown recently said that he told Clinton around 1984 that drugs were being smuggled into Mena. Brown has said a number of times - including during an interview with The Post - that Clinton had not appeared surprised about his accusations of drug smuggling. But he was surprised that Brown had been shown some of the cargo. Duvall says that L.D. Brown never told the Mena investigators of his suspicions. Duvall said he was "mad as hell" when the raid wasn't carried out. Later, he said, he handed over all his files on the case to Lawrence Walsh, the special prosecutor assigned to the Iran-Contra investigation. "I shipped Walsh a complete case file of the Mena investigation," Duvall said. "It weighed 400 pounds. Where the hell is the case file?" The Arkansas state police started investigating Mena in 1982, says Duvall. Others, including investigators from the Internal Revenue Service, later tracked several hundred dollars that were being laundered in Mena. But Duvall indicates that the money coming from the Mena operations was much more substantial than that. In fact, he says that Seal made a video "that shows Barry Seal at the Mena airport counting $1 million. That's been documented." 'I don't have any idea where the money went," says Duvall. As bizarre as it might seem, investigators believe that Barry Seal bank accounts may still exist in the banking havens in the Carribean. In fact, one source claims that the government recently seized one of Seal's bank accounts. END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST - 8/28/95 Date: Mon Aug 28, 1995 10:16 pm CST From: Jamianne [Ms. Freddi ".A.R.." Reddi] EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: jamiv@verilink.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 CC: jamiv EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: jamiv@verilink.com Subject: list/ufos/Mena-Gate is overflowing David Sorry I don't have the bounce message from your server. It said something like: machine unreachable for 2 or 3 days. What is the syntax to subscribe to snet-l run from ? subscribe snet-l run ? or without the "run" I may want to check it out. I went through a phase of interest in UFOs. I read every book I could get for several months. It was interesting but inconclusive and illusive. The VHS on the anti-matter power and transmission plant by the guy who worked at Hanger 18 Area 51, Dreamland was somewhat plausible. The saucer worked by distorting gravity and thereby snapping itself along in pulses. The electrical power was generated by an anti-matter reactor based on type of stable isotope not available locally (some ungodly atomic number). I found Strieber's books (Communion, etc) imaginative but probably works of fiction or hallucination. Thanks for the Bluegrass news items. I rough-processed the files by taking out a whole lot of ascii codes that somehow got put in at some boundaries. I enclose some mena articles from the Clinton Scandals (CS) list I ordered the laser disc "Cover-up" from Tower records. I will make you a VHS copy if you like, when I get it. I saw part of this when i rented it. It was well done. I had to take it back when I ran out of time. I also ordered "the Mena Connection" by Terry Reed in VHS from the number given in the CS list. I cannot copy VHS to VHS right now since I do not have two VCRs. -Ms. Freddi ".A.R.." Reddi, "the Columbian Camou-Frogess" 3rd EXECUTE-ive VP for Stations WMNA AND KMNA, "your `Mena-Gate' stations on the net" "You mess with the 2nd amendment, and you mess with me." ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Tue Aug 22 11:15:25 1995 Path: news1.oakland.edu!vtc.tacom.army.mil!ulowell.uml.edu! europa.chnt.gtegsc.com!howland.reston.ans.net! news-e1a.megaweb.com!newstf01.news.aol.com! newsbf02.news.aol.com!not-for-mail From: theknep@aol.com (TheKnep) Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: : Mena again folks/was :The Gramm Factor--Will Democrats Panic? Lines: 16 References: <4182jo$3oi@ixnews5.ix.netcom.com> Reply-To: theknep@aol.com (TheKnep) Nntp-Posting-Host: newsbf02.mail.aol.com Resent-Date: Tue, 22 Aug 1995 14:02:51 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 1082 X-Lines: 18 Read the latest issue of Strategic Investment, which I hope someone will be kind enough to post here. James Dale Davidson, who I respect greatly, feels it's no accident Dole has been such a foot dragger on uncovering the Crimes of Mena. In fact he was endorsed last month for President by those Arkansas godfathers Don Tyson and Jackson Stephens. Davidson figures they were especially grateful that Dole went along with Field Marshal Janet Reno's decision to block Special Prosecutor Smaltz's investigation of Tyson. Davidson makes a good case for pessimism that the truth will ever come out about why Vince Foster was killed. The major media has clamped the lid on, all Republican Congressional investigations so far have studiously avoided the subject of Foster's death. Now all journalists, and they are few in number, who question the party line, despite its patent absurdity, are being marginalized and branded as lunatic right-wingers. Our government is being Stalinized before our very eyes, and Republicans are going along with it. That is what cuts me to the quick. ----- End Included Message ----- ----- Begin Included Message ----- From jamiv Wed Aug 23 19:56:27 1995 From: jamiv ([Jamianne [Ms. Freddi ".A.R.." Redi]]) To: jamiv Subject: The Mena Connection VHS video terry reed Content-Length: 1957 X-Lines: 44 >From ca-firearms-owner@shell.portal.com Fri May 12 19:09:44 1995 From: Brad Parsons Subject: ** The Mena Connection ** To: roc@xmission.com, libernet@dartmouth.edu, libernet-d@dartmouth.edu, c-news@world.std.com, ca-firearms@shell.portal.com, constitution@earthlink.net, cybernews-publish-l@cornell.edu, michigun@css.itd.umich.edu, noban@mainstream.com, patriots@kaiwan.com, texas-gun-owners@zilker.net, alt-conspiracy@cs.utexas.edu Cc: alt-activism@cs.utexas.edu Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Sender: ca-firearms-owner@shell.portal.com Reply-To: Followup-To: ca-firearms@shell.portal.com Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: ** The Mena Connection ** Date: 12 May 1995 20:34:01 -0500 "The Mena Connection" ($19.95) 1-800-888-9999 ( call 24.hrs) I got Terry Reed's video tape yesterday and viewed it. IT IS OUTSTANDING. Better than his book. I highly recommend that everyone here get it. It has a bunch of news footage from a Ft. Smith, AR TV station, from a major Chicago network TV station, and the CBS Eye on America report on the matter. There is also a very interesting recording in the tape of a phone conversa- tion between Hubbell and a Time reporter. Terry's wife Jan also give a great interview in the tape. And much more. There is a lot of video footage in this tape that I had not seen before, and I have been following this issue for two years, have read Terry Reed's book, and been following this newsgroup since the day it began. You can order "The Mena Connection" for $19.95 at 1-800-888-9999 (24 hrs). This is FYI only, I have no connection with the producers/sellers of this excellent video tape. After viewing the tape a few times and sharing it with family and close friends, you might also consider donating the video to your local cable access station. ;) "The Mena Connection" ($19.95) 1-800-888-9999 (24.hrs) ----- End Included Message ----- ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Sat Aug 26 12:46:58 1995 Path: news1.oakland.edu!simtel!news.sprintlink.net!howland.reston .ans.net!usc!news.service.uci.edu!taurus.oac.uci.edu!eaou669 From: Duane Roberts Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: Re: DEA at Mena? Lines: 69 Nntp-Posting-Host: taurus.oac.uci.edu Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII X-Sender: eaou669@taurus.oac.uci.edu Resent-Date: Sat, 26 Aug 1995 15:41:42 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 3690 X-Lines: 71 In a previous message, "John Q. Public" wrote the following: > Last night, larry Nichols told Michael Reagan that an article > would likely be published today that would reveal DEA involvement > with the Mena cocaine operation. Has anyone seen such an article? I haven't seen the article. But I do want to confirm that the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) was involved with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in an alleged sting operation conducted against the Medellin Cartel by the late Adler Berriman "Barry" Seal. This alleged sting operation was the one where Seal supposedly collected evidence that the Nicaraguan government was letting the Medellin Cartel use airstrips in their country to ship cocaine to the United States. Barry Seal launched this alleged sting operation from the Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas during the middle of 1984 (A congressional hearing conducted by the House Judiciary Committee in 1988 on Seal's role as a "confidential informant" for the DEA confirms this). However I disagree with Mr. Nichol's suggestion that Lt. Col. Oliver North and other high-ranking Reagan Administration officials weren't involved in overseeing a contra resupply operation at the Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas; and I don't agree with his claim that most of the activities taking place at Mena were primarily the result of a sting operation being conducted by the DEA. During the early 80s, Seal's gunrunning and drug smuggling activities (apparently with the tacit approval of the CIA) were beginning to attract the attention of law enforcement agencies in Florida, Louisiana, and other states. When Seal was arrested by the DEA for smuggling drugs into Ft. Lauderdale, Florida in April of 1983, his mounting legal problems threatened to jeopardize his efforts to arm the Nicaraguan Contras with weapons purchased with drug money. Hence, Seal flew off to Washington, D.C. in his LearJet and spoke with Reagan administration officials (e.g., Vice-President George Bush), who subsequently pressured the DEA to reduce the charges against him and enlist Seal as a "confidential informant" for sting operations. Seal's role as a "confidential informant" for the DEA enabled him to continue working for the CIA in their efforts to supply the Nicaraguan Contras with weapons. This was his "cover," so to speak. And it gave him a license to continue running a contra resupply operation for the Reagan administration - and finance it with drug money - without any interference from law enforcement agencies in other states. For example, if law enforcement agencies in Louisiana uncovered evidence that Seal was smuggling cocaine into Arkansas through their state, they wouldn't be able to do much of anything about it because of his status as a "confidential informant." If the Louisiana State Police asked the Reagan administration why Seal was being allowed to smuggle drugs into the country, all the Reagan administration needed to do is claim that Seal was doing this as part of a "secret sting operation" being conducted by the DEA. Of course, this explanation serves the useful purpose of hiding the fact that high-ranking Reagan administration officials (apparently in collusion with the governor of Arkansas) were allowing a major drug trafficker like Seal to freely import drugs into the United States in return for using a portion of the profits to finance the purchase of weapons and supplies for the Nicaraguan Contras. Sincerely, Duane J. Roberts eaou669@ea.oac.uci.edu Undergraduate Student Criminology, Law, and Society School of Social Ecology University of California, Irvine ----- End Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Mon Aug 28 10:29:33 1995 Path: news1.oakland.edu!news.concourse.com!ragnarok.oar.net! malgudi.oar.net!news.sprintlink.net!in1.uu.net!spool.mu.edu! daily-planet.execpc.com!usenet From: capmicro@execpc.com (John Q. Public) Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: mena fostergate John Crudele, NY Post 8/28 (via Mr. Ken R. Cook) Lines: 135 Nntp-Posting-Host: farina.execpc.com X-Newsreader: WinVN 0.92.6+ Resent-Date: Mon, 28 Aug 1995 13:22:54 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 36034 X-Lines: 847 forwarded, without permission Date: Mon, 28 Aug 1995 12:00:57 EDT From: VJDB56A@prodigy.com (MR KEN R COOK) Subject: WW Mailing - 7/28/95 This mailing is going out to all those on my WW mailing list. Here is the latest from John Crudele. It appeared in today's New York Post on page 5. This article, coupled with the Mena-related columns printed by the Washington Times last week should really begin making Mena a household word in America. In Britain, where Mena is a household word, the British equivalent of "60 Minutes" had a film crew in Mena and should have an expose on British television soon - the "telly" as they call it over there. Meanwhile on the FOSTERGATE front, stay tuned. Jim Norman just did two hours on the Jack Christy show yesterday and had some amazing things to say. I hope to get a report out to you all shortly. Read on the Internet that Newsweek (Michael Isikoff) is planning an attack on this article, tying it to "conspiracy theorists." The strategy here will obviously be to turn people off to this article before they even get a chance to read it for themselves. Isikoff is reportedly contacting all reporters who are covering Foster (Ruddy, Pritchard, etc.) for his story. As I've said a million times before, I do not necessarily buy into all the elements of Jim Norman's FOSTERGATE story. But I do feel that Jim Norman sacrificed a lot (he lost his job at Forbes) to get this story out and that he deserves to be heard. I also feel that Norman believes in his story and if it does turn out to be inaccurate, then he was duped by others. Bottom line is that I feel that Norman's motives are pure in this whole matter. Stay tuned, I have some information re: FOSTERGATE that could be earthshattering. There is a chance that a very prominent person may confirm what Norman has reported. I either have to check it out and be sure of myself first before I post it, or I will just have to wait for this person to identify himself. Here's the John Crudele article from todays NY Post: WHITEWATER PROBE MAY EYE ARKANSAS DRUG RING by John Crudele A massive drug-running operation out of Mena, Ark., apparently had a guardian angel. And congressional investigators are now trying to find out who interfered with the ability of law-enforcement authorities to stop the flow of Latin American cocaine into that state and why. The matter is also likely to soon be incorporated into the massive probe of Arkansas state corruption now being conducted by Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr. The drug-running venture poured hundreds of millions of dollars into Arkansas during the mid-1980s. And many believe it was at the root of substantial financial corruption now being uncovered in that state. According to two Arkansas State troopers who I've interviewed by telephone this week, law-enforcement authorities were within minutes of confiscating an aircraft they thought was being used by Barry Seal to smuggle cocaine. Seal was believed to have been a CIA operative who had been enlisted to smuggle guns from Mena, Ark., to Contra rebels in Nicaragua. It was on return flights from Latin America that authorities suspect drugs were stashed on the planes. Seal was killed while working for the government on an undercover operation in the mid-1980s. The troopers say they were ready to confiscate the plane one day in the winter of 1984 when they were suddenly told by someone working for the FBI to leave the aircraft alone. Eleven years later, neither could provide the exact date, but they still have official log books which they say would contain the entry. Neither of these troopers has ever stepped forward with accusations before. And both have been interviewed by an investigator for Iowa Republican Congressman Jim Leach's office. As I said last week, Leach's recent hearings on the Whitewater scandal will probably be expanded to look into the operations of the Arkansas Development and Finance Authority (ADFA) as well as the events that took place at Mena. There have been accusations that ADFA - possibly unknown to its officials - may have been used to launder drug money. Starr isn't permitted to officially look into Mena unless a link between it and the corruption in the Arkansas banking system can be found. One of the troopers, Steve Clements, told me that he was relatively new to the force and was working on the narcotics detail in 1984 when he and partners came upon a suspicious aircraft in Mena. Clements and his partners were waiting in a hotel room, he says, for permission to seize the plane. "All I remember is what my boss told me," said Clements. "He said someone called and told him we could seize it if we want, but they'd get it back in a few minutes." His boss was a man named Finus Duvall, who was the company commander at the criminal investigations division of the state police. Duvall is now retired and says the decision not to take the aircraft was his biggest mistake. "I should have seized it. The worst mistake I ever made was not seizing it because I let the government override the state," he said. "We made a call. We called an outfit called Group 7. It was the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) operation in Miami. They told us that if we took the airplane down, they would be up there in three hours and take it away from us. That particular plane was smuggling cocaine." Duvall couldn't explain why the DEA would quash an operation that could have stopped the flow of narcotics. Bill Clinton, the governor of Arkansas at the time, was "aware that we were investigating but he never knew the minute details because it was too complicated," said Duvall, adding that nobody in the Arkansas government ever interfered with his Mena investigation. Another trooper named L.D. Brown recently said that he told Clinton around 1984 that drugs were being smuggled into Mena. Brown has said a number of times - including during an interview with The Post - that Clinton had not appeared surprised about his accusations of drug smuggling. But he was surprised that Brown had been shown some of the cargo. Duvall says that L.D. Brown never told the Mena investigators of his suspicions. Duvall said he was "mad as hell" when the raid wasn't carried out. Later, he said, he handed over all his files on the case to Lawrence Walsh, the special prosecutor assigned to the Iran-Contra investigation. "I shipped Walsh a complete case file of the Mena investigation," Duvall said. "It weighed 400 pounds. Where the hell is the case file?" The Arkansas state police started investigating Mena in 1982, says Duvall. Others, including investigators from the Internal Revenue Service, later tracked several hundred dollars that were being laundered in Mena. But Duvall indicates that the money coming from the Mena operations was much more substantial than that. In fact, he says that Seal made a video "that shows Barry Seal at the Mena airport counting $1 million. That's been documented." 'I don't have any idea where the money went," says Duvall. As bizarre as it might seem, investigators believe that Barry Seal bank accounts may still exist in the banking havens in the Carribean. In fact, one source claims that the government recently seized one of Seal's bank accounts. END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST - 8/28/95 ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Sat Aug 26 16:39:09 1995 Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater,alt.conspiracy, alt.politics.economics,soc.rights.human,alt.society.revolution, soc.culture.usa,alt.politi Subject: Clark: A review of the Mena coke operation Lines: 123 References: <41no8v$2hf@news.isp.net> Nntp-Posting-Host: sfsp12.slip.net X-Newsreader: WinVN 0.92.6+ Xref: news1.oakland.edu alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater:14881 alt.conspiracy:127550 alt.politics.economics:30608 soc.rights.human:35098 alt.society.revolution:12795 soc.culture.usa:84610 Resent-Date: Sat, 26 Aug 1995 19:35:45 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 6826 X-Lines: 124 As I've said, this report came very, very close to being published in the _Washington Post_ in late January of this year. Revealed are both state and federal law-enforcement files containing solid evidence of one of the largest drug trafficking operations in U.S. history. Until now these files have been kept secret. Literally tons of cocaine were shipped into the U.S. over a period of 5 or 6 years, through Bill Clinton's Arkansas. The operation was overseen by a former officer of the U.S. Army Special Forces, Barry Seal, who court records show was an employee of both the CIA and the DEA. This was an operation that was carried out with the collusion and cover-up of the United States government. Mena, of course, is not a new story. The highly esteemed journalist Sarah McClendon has dealt with it; so has CBS, the _Wall St. Journal_, _The Nation_, and the _Village Voice_. Elements of the story have been in print, one place or another, now and then, since 1989, when Jack Anderson first broke it. But never before have so many of the documented facts been put together in such compelling fashion. Consider the article that appeared in the _Wall St. Journal_ in 1994. Here's a quote: "(Barry) Seal was smuggling drugs and kept his planes at Mena (Arkansas). . . The cargo plane he flew was the same one later flown by Eugene Hasenfus when he was shot down over Nicaragua with a load of Contra supplies." Next, let's consider the principal and most credible people who have thus far testified, and who have, in doing so, implicated the President of the United States. First there is IRS investigator Bill Duncan, followed by Arkansas State Police investigator Russell Welch, Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant, Congressman Bill Alexander, and various other law enforcement officials. In 1991, Bill Duncan testified at a joint investigation by the Arkansas state attorney general's office and the U.S. Congress. At that time he referred to 29 federal indictments having to do with a Mena-based money laundering scheme that was in operation when Clinton was governor of the state. The problem was, Duncan said, that the U.S. Attorney for the region, as if because of orders from above, had refused to act on these indictments. Then too, there was the matter that the IRS had specifically instructed him---its own investigator---to "withhold information from Congress and to perjure (himself)." This Duncan stated before Congress. He further testified that the U.S. Attorney for the region had stopped the subpoenas in this investigation and had blocked the entire investigation. Meanwhile, Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant wrote to independent counsel Lawrence Walsh in 1991, expressing his bewilderment as to "why no one was prosecuted in Arkansas despite a mountain of evidence that (Barry) Seal was using Arkansas as his principle staging area (for drug smuggling) during the years 1982 through 1985." The fact that Mena was indeed one of the centers for international drug smuggling is confirmed by official IRS and DEA records, sworn court testimony, and other corroborative records. In fact Seal later admitted to IRS investigator Duncan that he had indeed been a drug smuggler! So why was he allowed to continue? The answer, perhaps, lies in U.S. Customs evidence that Seal surreptitiously exported huge arms shipments to the repressive governments of Bolivia, Argentina, Peru, and Brazil, as well as to the Contras. In a sense, Barry Seal was an instrument of U.S. foreign policy, and was appropriately (if illegally and improperly) rewarded for his assistance. Remember, though, we're talking about many thousands of kilos of cocaine and literally hundreds of millions of dollars in drug profits. According to a 1986 letter from the Louisiana attorney general to then U.S. attorney general Edwin Meese, this former U.S. military officer Barry Seal (with well established CIA connections, flying CIA charter planes) "smuggled between $3 billion and $5 billion of drugs into the U.S." In addition to the $50,000 a day in drug-money greenbacks that Seal's people were depositing into banks around Mena between 1981 and 1985---they have testified to this---Seal was also receiving $800,000 a year from the U.S. government---so he testified---because of the valuable information and evidence he was providing the gov't about the Sandinista/Columbian involvement in this drug trafficking. Then, after he was murdered by a Medellin hit squad, Seal's relatives and friends all testified to police that he had told them he was working for the CIA when he established his smuggling operations at Mena. Even the IRS had determined, in its investigations, that the millions "earned" by Seal between 1984 and 1986 was not illegal, because of his "CIA-DEA employment" at the time. It was the CIA, after all, that had installed cameras in one of Seal's planes, so as allow him to get photographic evidence, much touted by Ronald Reagan, of the Sandinistas loading Colombian cocaine onto a plane, for shipment into the U.S. Perhaps most compelling of all, court documents show clearly that Seal was indeed employed both by the CIA and the DEA in 1984 and 1985. In addition, a spokesman for Oliver North actually told the _Washington Post_ that North had been kept aware of Seal's work through "intelligence sources." Indeed one of Seal's planes was purchased by North's Iran-Contra operation, known as "The Enterprise," and was used to smuggle still more cocaine back into the U.S. on each return trip, after guns were delivered to the Contras. This according to sworn testimony by former high-ranking DEA agent Celerino Castillo. Finally there is the Arkansas gun manufacturer who, in 1993, testified in federal court that the CIA contracted with him to build 250 automatic pistols, equipped with silencers, for the Mena operation. At that time, he testified, he was personally introduced to Barry Seal, in Mena, by a CIA operative, and then sold weapons to Seal. Interestingly the gun manufacturer was provided with a U.S. Department of Defense purchase-order for some of the weapons he sold at this time, but was never paid the $140,000 that the government owed him, due to the fact that when the Hasenfus CIA plane was shot down over Nicaragua, Mena's population was suddenly reduced by half and he was unable to collect. And who, according to telephone records, was the first person that the Central American CIA operative in charge of this smuggling operation telephoned, after this plane went down? None other than George Bush, our then beloved Vice President. More evidence from the article appears in the next post. Richard Clark ----- End Included Message ----- ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Sun Aug 27 18:45:19 1995 From: cardin@slip.net (Richard Clark) Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater,alt.conspiracy, alt.politics.economics,soc.rights.human,alt.society.revolution, soc.culture.usa,alt.politi Subject: more?: A review of the Mena coke operation Lines: 78 References: <41no8v$2hf@news.isp.net> <41np38$2hf@news.isp.net> Nntp-Posting-Host: sfsp05.slip.net X-Newsreader: WinVN 0.92.6+ Xref: news1.oakland.edu alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater:14930 alt.conspiracy:127671 alt.politics.economics:30617 soc.rights.human:35114 alt.society.revolution:12798 soc.culture.usa:84690 Resent-Date: Sun, 27 Aug 1995 21:18:26 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 4595 X-Lines: 80 The secretaries employed at the Mena airport have testified that when Barry Seal flew into Mena "there would be stacks of cash to be taken to the bank and laundered." One secretary told IRS investigator Bill Duncan that she was ordered to obtain numerous cashier's checks, each in an amount just under $10,000, at various banks around Mena. Why? --- So that federal Currency Transaction Reports would not have to be filed. Bank tellers testified before a federal grand jury about an instance when a Mena airport employee carried a suitcase into their bank that was stuffed with $70,000 in cash. The bank officer calmly proceeded from one teller to the next, handing out stacks of hundred dollar bills to each one, so that the proper cashier's checks could be drawn up without delay. (The best customers get the best service.) Between 1981 and 1983, hundreds of thousands of dollars were in this way laundered just in the few small banks near Mena, according to law- enforcement sources. Millions more were laundered throughout Arkansas. [According to other sources there is also evidence that then- governor Clinton was able to siphon off some of these proceeds, putting them to use in the purchase of political advantage not otherwise available. Apparently much of Arkansas was benefiting from this operation, especially the Arkansas Development Finance Authority (AFDA), which helped launder (and disburse) much of the money. Political payoffs were rampant.] Of special interest here, to the Whitewater special prosecutor, were the huge and completely unaccountable infusions of cash into various Arkansas financial institutions. IRS records show a "major increase" in the amount of large cash and bank transactions in Arkansas around this period, despite a rather poor and struggling local economy. It would seem that unless the Whitewater investigation is somehow corrupted or stopped, some very upsetting truth is likely to emerge. Note: many of the recently unearthed Barry Seal documents have been forwarded to the Whitewater special prosecutor because they are believed to have great relevance to that investigation. What happened to the nine different investigations into Mena after 1987? Mainly it was a matter of compromised federal grand juries and congressional inquiries that were suppressed by the National Security Council under Ronald Reagan's directives. Then there was Justice Department sand-bagging under George Bush. The whole story had to be quashed for reasons of "national security." It seems that Reagan, Bush and Clinton can't imagine a nation in which the truth about this would come out. Why? Perhaps because it would be a nation in which they would be in jail. Curiously, as governor of Arkansas in 1991, Clinton publicly acknowledged that the Mena investigation had found "linkages to the federal government," and had come up with "all kinds of questions about whether he [Barry Seal] had any links to the CIA" and about whether or not this was tied into "the Iran-Contra deal." But then Clinton apparently decided it would not be to his advantage to press for any further inquiry. Meanwhile his principal political backers in Arkansas are under FBI investigation and have been assigned case numbers under the Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs Intelligence System. Clinton's failure, as governor, to press for an investigation of this is mighty strange, according to Bill Plante and Michael Singer of CBS News. They write that "a Republican administration was apparently sponsoring a Contra-aid operation in his state and protecting a smuggling ring that flew tons of cocaine through Arkansas." Now, for the time being, one can only speculate as to why _president_ Bill, now that he has the power, does not immediately ask for a full report from the CIA, IRS, DEA, and FBI about their rather abundant and long-surpressed records having to do with the Mena operation. Why must the cover-up continue, Bill? Why not bring the whole truth out into the open? Could the answer to this question possibly have something to do with the tens of thousands of lives that have been destroyed by these tons of coke that were flown into Arkansas? Could it possibly have something to do with the tens of thousands of young black men whose souls rot in the proliferating numbers of penitentiaries that have had to be constructed to house them all? Worst of all, could these be the people who unwittingly made it possible for Bill Clinton to become president? Richard Clark ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Sat Aug 26 16:50:10 1995 Path: news1.oakland.edu!news.nd.edu! spool.mu.edu!news.moneng.mei.com!news.ecn.bgu.edu! ixc.ixc.net!news From: abigreen@inx.net Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: Re: TYRRELL: L.D. Brown/Mena/Clinton/Bush Lines: 248 References: <199508260044.UAA06774@cap1.CapAccess.org> Nntp-Posting-Host: pm2-86.inx.net X-Newsreader: AIR News 3.X (SPRY, Inc.) Resent-Date: Sat, 26 Aug 1995 19:44:52 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 14833 X-Lines: 250 I am moving this thread forward because for some reason it has been virtually ignored. Yet it is the most important piece of writing to appear in the national media and it sets forth just how precarious a hold the Clintons now have on the White House, dependent totally upon the willful dereliction of professional duty by all of the major news organizations in this country. The article that follows, posted yesterday by Edward Zehr, marks a turning point not only in the Whitewater-Foster-Mena scandal, but a no-turning-back point for Bob Tyrrell, its author, who is also the editor of The American Spectator. It appeared in yesterday's Washington Times. If you want to forward something to your favorite politician, media type, or independent counsel, consider this outstanding piece of commentary. --Martin McPhillips > ezehr@CapAccess.org (Edward W. Zehr) writes: > August 25, 1995 > > FURTIVE DRUG FLIGHTS > > By R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr. > > Last month, a most amazing thing happened in American Journalism, > demonstrating how easily intimidated and politically sensitive the > supposedly bold American press is. A witness came forward and > reported to me - and shortly thereafter in depositions - that the > long-rumored American intelligence operation to resupply the > Contras in the 1980s was carried out through flights out of > Arkansas. On the return flights, drugs were brought into the state. > Gov. Clinton knew about both legs of these flights. As president, > he has lied about this activity repeatedly -and he has attempted to > intimidate this witness. The Wall Street Journal, which has been > following this story for several years, editorialized on the > importance of this witness' revelations to me. Now for the amazing > thing: No other major media source even reported the story. Today, > I think I know why. There is more to the story. > > The witness, a former narcotics investigator and erstwhile > confidant of Mr. Clinton, has testified in legally binding > deposition that in 1984 with the encouragement of his boss, then- > Gov. Clinton, he traveled on two flights from Arkansas' Mena > airport to Central America. On those flights, for which the Central > Intelligence agency paid him $5,000, arms were dropped to the > Contras. The witness, Arkansas state trooper L.D. Brown, discovered > that on the return leg of these flights, the pilot, Barry Seal, was > carrying large quantities of cocaine. Seal was a convicted drug > trafficker who later was shot dead in Louisiana. > > Three Columbians have been convicted of the crime. At the time of > the flights, Seal was an operative with the Drug Enforcement > Administration and a contract employee with the Central > Intelligence Agency. After Mr. Brown's second flight with Seal, the > pilot showed Mr. Brown both cocaine and money he had picked up in > Central America. Alarmed and angered, Mr. Brown returned to the man > who had gotten him onto these flights, Mr. Clinton, to warn him of > the drug shipments. Mr. Clinton's blase response was, "That's [Dan] > Lasater's deal, that's Lasater's deal." Lasater, a Clinton > supporter in Arkansas, was eventually convicted of drug > distribution. He was a benefactor of another drug user, Bill > Clinton's brother Roger. > > There is more to this story, which perhaps explains the press's > reluctance to report it. After Mr. Clinton said, "That's Lasater's > deal," he went on to say "and your buddy Bush knows about it." Or > it could have been "your hero Bush knows about it" - Mr. Brown is > not certain about the precise wording. Mr. Brown had met then-Vice > President Bush with Mr. Clinton a year before and admired him. > > In the months before Mr. Brown's flights, Mr. Clinton reminded Mr. > Brown that Mr. Bush had once headed the CIA. Mr. Clinton's mention > of Mr. Bush's old position was made while he was helping Mr. Brown > with his application for employment with the CIA. I have copies of > the correspondence that took place at this time between Mr. Brown > and the agency. More importantly, an essay Mr. Brown submitted to > the CIA bears Mr. Clinton's handwritten interpolations. Mr. Brown's > testimony that Mr. Clinton told him about Mr. Bush's knowledge of > Mena is to be included in a corrected version of Mr. Brown's recent > deposition. The deposition results from a false arrest and > defamation suit against, among others, the former chief of security > to then-Gov. Clinton. Similar testimony by Mr. Brown has been given > to the independent counsel probing Whitewater, Kenneth Starr. > > The L.D. Brown story is not going to go away.People in the press > who believe they can or should protect a Republican or a Democratic > president are kidding themselves. Indeed the story is spreading, > and fast. I have legal depositions from witnesses refuting Mr. > Clinton's claim that he had little knowledge of Mena airport. Now > two more witnesses have come forward corroborating Mr. Brown's > story that he flew to Central America and that he associated with > Barry Seal. Both of these sources are going to be subpoenaed. In > the Wall Street Journal's July 10 editorial the editors wrote, > "Mena cries out for investigation. A congressional committee with > resources, subpoena power, and the perseverance displayed by some > past chairmen should look into this. If some chips fall on the > Republican side, so be it. Important questions need to be > answered." > > Well, I have word that the important questions have multiplied > since last month's revelations. Reliable sources have told me that > the independent counsel has been informed of attempts by the White > House to intimidate the witness, L.D. Brown, and to obstruct > justice. Other equally reliable sources have told me that since Mr. > Brown's story came out, Mr. Clinton told an Arkansas senator that > he was having the Internal Revenue Service investigate Mr. Brown's > tax returns. Moreover I am told that someone acting directly or > indirectly on behalf of the president has gotten a copy of the 1971 > death certificate of Joann Brown, Mr. Brown's mother who died in a > gun accident. The last time Mr. Clinton tried to shut down a media > investigation of Mr. Brown, his lawyer implied to ABC News that Mr. > Brown played a sinister role in his mother's death. > > Quite by accident a couple of weeks back I had the opportunity to > ask Mr. Clinton for his response to Mr. Brown's claim that, as > governor, Mr. Clinton had knowledge of Mena being a shipping point > for illegal arms, drugs trafficking and money laundering. He called > Mr. Brown a "pathological liar," though in no instance have any > investigators been able to find Mr. Brown's lying. And the > president's record in this department is well, spotty. The > president's legendary anger then surged as he grumbled, "Lies, > lies, lies." We have all heard of his tantrums. As I was the target > of this one, I must say that I found his anger curious. He is a > large mann and in fact rugged looking, but his tantrum was > strangely feckless, tinny and petulant. What came to mind was not > the anger of a statesman but rather Tinkerbell in a snit. Mr. > Clinton's was anger without force. It really is time for the media > to review Mr. Brown's original charges. And now there are new > charges of the White House intimidating a witness and obstructing > justice. > > >>>> More commentary: Bob Tyrrell (R. Emmett Tyrrell) is not a man given to hyperbole. He is indeed a very conservative writer, but he is very natural about his conservatism. He is no neophyte. The American Spectator has followed the Whitewater/Clinton debacle from the beginning. The thing I like about this article is--and this may surprise you--is that it has the same rock hard serious tone that finally became a part of the New York Times coverage of Whitewater right after the last set of indictments. Another thing I like about this article is that Tyrrell is opening a new front on the criminal--and I use the word criminal advisedly--negligence of the news media in failing to cover the real story. I am very close to wondering what it would take to file a class action suit against the major networks and the major national newspapers for failing to diligently investigate the extraordinary charges that people are now bringing forward against a sitting President of the United States. I know the First Amendment does guarantee a free press, but one has to wonder whether or not the across-the-board failure of the major news media to cover these stories does not constitute some kind of fundamental breach of contract with the American people. The New York Times, for instance, carries the motto "All the news that's fit to print." Certainly one could make a good case that that represents a certain kind of warranty of product, and that whereas there are many stories about which there can be a debate over newswothiness, but in the case of a criminal presidency, there can be no such debate. Therefore, the New York Times is in breach of its warranty and contract with its readers by not aggressively providing the facts about who, what, when, where, why and how these scandals have come about. And, of course, I continue to be astounded by the fact that Tyrrell, and, as he pointed out, the July 10 lead editorial in the Wall Street Journal have been ignored by other media interests. Imagine if the WSJ ran an editorial claiming that Newt's book deal had in fact been a backchannel deal with Rupert Murdock; here is how Tom Brokaw would lead off the NBC Nightly News: "And now the embattled Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich, is being accussed by a traditional ally of conservative Republicans, the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal. And it's that same book deal with Rupert Murdock that has the Speaker in trouble again. Brian Williams reports from New York." Then Williams would come on, and in a very solemn Watergate-like tone, read excerpts from the powerfully written editorial. Clinton could cut the paws off of a Panda bear at the zoo and it would be turned into a human interest story about the stresses of the Presidency. This has gone too far, this gigantic silence on the part of journalists, even as they reposition themselves daily for the eventual end of the Clinton Presidency. I for one, and I have been a long-time critic of the big media, have never seen anything like this. I read a post over in AOL that said something like, if Watergate had been covered like this, there would not have been a Watergate. To which I responded, if the whole 1970s had been covered like this, there wouldn't have been any 1970s. Now I am beginning to wonder whether or not the media could have kept the public from knowing about World Wars I and II if they had covered it the way they cover Clinton. So when this is all over the media will have not a shred of whatever morsel of credibility it ever had in my mind. It has just become one big awful sick joke. So as we approach the next century, I advise all of my colleagues in this newsgroup to begin honing your skills as journalists. It is not a deep field; you can discover all of its principles in about one week (I mean the real principles of journalism not the politically correct biases of the mainstream press), and then you can master the techniques of newsgathering, reporting and writing in the span of a month or so. Any good basic journalism text will do. And then we will have the foundation of a national news service, the independent citizens news service, just like those that sprung up in Eastern Europe before the fall of communism. The hell with these Ivy League pampered and perfumed sycophants. They are just a bunch of lying bastards with the ethics of a pack of stray dogs and the intellectual achievment of clerks at the motor vehicle departments across the land. They just buy their suits at Brooks Brothers and still comb their hair like they did when they were twelve years old. The most disturbing thing about the mainstream press, however, is it's growing sophistication at making less-than-news into more-than-news. Take the OJ trial. To be sure it is one of the big stories of our times, of this century. But does it really require that Brokaw introduce two experts--Ira Reiner and Jack Ford--to analyze the days events at a trial that has already gone on for over 220 days? Where were the legal experts to analyze what might be the next move of the Independent Counsel after the last huge round of indictments? Experts? NBC did not even give it the treatment of a 30-second story. They breezed over it with about six seconds of news around the nation time. The President's business partners and his successor as governor of Arkansas are indicted in a scandal that has been before the national eye off and on for about two years and it is treated like a non-story. This is scandalous. It is beyond scandalous. When the truth comes out, when the instant histories of this period are written, the role the press has played in all of this may be even more of a scandal than a criminal presidency. It is just beyond belief that we have come to this. So in addition to urging you all to learn the rudimentary arts and craft of journalism, I urge you all to get on the phone tonight and read Tyrrell's column to ten friends, and then ask them to each tell ten friends and then fax the column to ten friends and then take the column and make a hundred xerox copies of it and hand it out at your church or synagogue or at the local diner or on the corner. This shit has just gone too far. The goddamn Nazis couldn't have done a better job than the Brokaws, Rathers, Jennings, Woodruffs, Doles, and their masters. The Nazis were not this good at hiding the truth. I have friends and relatives who still have no grasp at all of just how serious are the charges against the clown in the Oval O. "Well it's not being covered out here. We haven't heard a thing about it." This, my friends, is the ultimate poison created by the fact, which has been casually repeated over and over again for the last decade and a half, that most Americans get most of their news from television. Well here is the fruit of that great transformation. An America of 250,000,000 people who are unaware, for the most part, that the President of the United States, and his lovely wife, is a career criminal. And a press that diverts attention by talking up how "partisan" DC politics has become, and how Whitewater is just another example of that. In other words, par for the course! --Martin McPhillips ----- End Included Message ----- ----- End Included Message ----- ----- Begin Included Message ----- From owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Mon Aug 28 06:40:15 1995 From: ezehr@CapAccess.org (Edward W. Zehr) Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: DEA at Mena? NICHOLS interview with Mike Reagan comment Lines: 100 References: Reply-To: ezehr@CapAccess.org Nntp-Posting-Host: news.cs.utexas.edu Resent-Date: Mon, 28 Aug 1995 09:38:55 -0400 (EDT) Resent-From: "David J. Sussman" Resent-To: CS Resent-Message-Id: Sender: owner-cs@oak.oakland.edu Precedence: bulk Content-Length: 11052 X-Lines: 263 In Message-ID: chauptma@netcom.com (Charles Hauppman) wrote: >Strange indeed that Larry all of a sudden has cleared the Republicans of >any connection to Mena. I find that Terry Reeds book is more credible >than some of Larry's comments have been in the past, but still Larry is >on the ground and SHOULD know what happened in the past. Well, it's not really so strange if you have followed Nichols' comments for the past six months or so. He stated his reasons openly in his August 24 interview with Mike Reagan: NICHOLS: Oh absolutely - once, I believe, the Republicans lose the fear that they're gonna get themselves in trouble, then I think you'll see the gates open. You know, that's been one of the major drawbacks to the Republicans - they've been afraid to go after ADFA, because to get to ADFA, you've got to have a source of money. The source of money was Mena. And then if they opened up Mena, they were afraid that they would be getting a whole bunch of Republicans. Nichols believes that the Republicans' fear of uncovering something at Mena that would incriminate some of their own has inhibited them from pursuing the Clinton scandals - from money laundering by ADFA to the death of Vince Foster. Given their timidity in this summer's hearings, he may have a point. Apparently he believes the article to which he referred will support Oliver North's contention that all illicit drug activity in the Contra operation had been reported to the DEA. He hopes that this will remove whatever inhibitions the GOP may have about going after Clinton. Oliver North raises an interesting point about the drug-running allegations in his book *Under Fire*: Very little in my life has angered me as much as the allegations that I or anyone else involved with the resistance had a drug connection. I hate to put it in these terms, but since December 1986, the office of the special prosecutor [Lawrence Walsh] has spent tens of millions of dollars investigating us - and me in particular. If there was even a grain of truth to these stories, it surely would have come out. On the face of it, North would seem to have a point - unless Walsh was reluctant to open that can of worms. Part of the problem is that Mena is not the only place illicit drugs are alleged to have been brought into the country in connection with a covert CIA operation. (See, for example, Sally Denton's book *The Bluegrass Conspiracy* that deals with such a scandal in Kentucky during the 1980s). The deeper one digs into the Mena story and its implications, the broader they appear to be. What, for example, did Ross Perot have against George Bush that made him so antagonistic as to run against him in 1992? Perot is enough of a realist to understand that he had no chance to win - but had a definite opportunity to deny Bush a second term. But why did he do it? It was monstrously expensive, both in terms of money and lost prestige for Perot, who was generally well thought of before he entered the presidential race. To understand this, one must recall that Perot supported Reagan in 1980, and after the election Reagan gave Perot a broad mandate to investigate rumors that American POWs had been abandoned when the U.S. pulled out of Vietnam. Perot was frustrated at every turn by the entrenched bureaucracy. I quote from the book *Kiss the Boys Goodbye*, written by Monika Jensen- Stevenson and William Stevenson and published in 1990: Relations between Bush and Perot had gone downhill ever since the Vice President had asked Ross Perot how his POW/MIA investigations were going. "Well, George, I go in looking for prisoners," said Perot, "but I spend all my time discovering the government has been moving drugs around the world and is involved in illegal arms deals... I can't get at the prisoners because of the corruption among our own covert people." This ended Perot's official access to the highly classified files as a one-man presidential investigator. "I have been ordered to cease and desist," he had informed the families of missing men early in 1987. Of course, this book treats Perot in a favorable light. The quotation obviously came from Perot and was no doubt "remembered" in such a way as to place him at an advantage. Nevertheless, this excerpt suggests the extent to which widespread corruption within the government has poisoned every aspect of its operation and tainted those who chose as their career a life of "public service." Through continuous neglect by all concerned this wound has been allowed to fester until gangrene set in. We have now reached the stage that no thoughtful person is able to believe the lies and cover stories told by government officials who appear desperate to cover their tracks. Unfortunately, many knowledgeable persons within the government and the establishment media (which have become little more than a branch of the government) still pretend to believe the lies. If this situation is not corrected soon, it will destroy the legitimacy of the government. Date: Sun, 27 AUG 95 20:26:00 -0500 From: Financial Opportunities Newgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: US Soldier Refuses UN Uniform! Content-Length: 2563 X-Lines: 69 Status: RO There's hope yet :).... >Date: Sun, 27 Aug 1995 05:47:29 -0400 >From: joyce1@ix.netcom.COM (Joyce Rosenwald ) > (by way of Charles Zeps ) >Subject: US soldier refuses UN uniform! > > >Date: Sat, 26 Aug 1995 13:17:02 -0400 > >Subject: US soldier refuses UN uniform! >More on soldier's woes... > >Specialist Michael New, medic with the 3rd Infantry Division >in Germany, has indicated his refusal to wear a blue beret >or blue helmet in October when his unit is deployed to >Macedonia (Yugoslavia) to conduct a UN "peacekeeping mission" >there. > >New says, "I took an oath to the Constitution of the United >States, and I can find no reference to the United Nations in >it anywhere." > >The Army says, "You took an oath to obey legal orders and >you WILL comply, or you will face possible court martial, >possible imprisonment, and certainly a less-than-honorable >discharge. > >New says, "It is not clear to me why I have to change my >uniform in order to represent my country." > >The Army says, "You are not there to represent your country. >You are there to represent the U.N." > >New says, "By what authority can you transfer my loyalty >without my permission?" > >Etc., etc. On Monday, 28 August, New will meet with a JAG >lawyer (military) and discuss his options. His future looks >bleak unless there is an outcry of anger from constituents >to Congressmen over this issue. > >Please ask your Congressman to take a public stand on this >issue -- and to explain by what CONSTITUTIONAL authority can >an American citizen and soldier be forced to serve in the >UN or any other foreign army? > >Is Presidential Decision Directive #25 behind all this? How >can we know? President Clinton has classified it. Yet it >is supposed to the be rules of deployment of American soldiers >under UN auspices. > >This is reminiscent of Nazi Germany, or the Soviet Union, >where men are told to forget their consciences and to obey >any and all orders without regard for their previous oaths. > >Privately, many officers and non-coms agree with Michael New. >Publicly, they all have careers and retirement to consider. > >Please write to your Congressman, or to your favorite >candidate for President and ask him to take a stand on this >issue, not for Spec. Michael New's sake, but for the sake of >freedom and American sovereignty -- an old fashioned idea >which has come back -- at least to one American soldier! > >.. The concept of national sovereignty is becoming obsolete. >.. -- Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State under Clinton Date: Sun, 27 AUG 95 20:26:00 -0500 From: Financial Opportunities Newgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: US Soldier Refuses UN Uniform! Content-Length: 2788 X-Lines: 74 Status: RO There's hope yet :).... >Date: Sun, 27 Aug 1995 05:47:29 -0400 >From: joyce1@ix.netcom.COM (Joyce Rosenwald ) > (by way of Charles Zeps ) >Subject: US soldier refuses UN uniform! > > >Date: Sat, 26 Aug 1995 13:17:02 -0400 > >Subject: US soldier refuses UN uniform! >More on soldier's woes... > >Specialist Michael New, medic with the 3rd Infantry Division >in Germany, has indicated his refusal to wear a blue beret >or blue helmet in October when his unit is deployed to >Macedonia (Yugoslavia) to conduct a UN "peacekeeping mission" >there. > >New says, "I took an oath to the Constitution of the United >States, and I can find no reference to the United Nations in >it anywhere." > >The Army says, "You took an oath to obey legal orders and >you WILL comply, or you will face possible court martial, >possible imprisonment, and certainly a less-than-honorable >discharge. > >New says, "It is not clear to me why I have to change my >uniform in order to represent my country." > >The Army says, "You are not there to represent your country. >You are there to represent the U.N." > >New says, "By what authority can you transfer my loyalty >without my permission?" > >Etc., etc. On Monday, 28 August, New will meet with a JAG >lawyer (military) and discuss his options. His future looks >bleak unless there is an outcry of anger from constituents >to Congressmen over this issue. > >Please ask your Congressman to take a public stand on this >issue -- and to explain by what CONSTITUTIONAL authority can >an American citizen and soldier be forced to serve in the >UN or any other foreign army? > >Is Presidential Decision Directive #25 behind all this? How >can we know? President Clinton has classified it. Yet it >is supposed to the be rules of deployment of American soldiers >under UN auspices. > >This is reminiscent of Nazi Germany, or the Soviet Union, >where men are told to forget their consciences and to obey >any and all orders without regard for their previous oaths. > >Privately, many officers and non-coms agree with Michael New. >Publicly, they all have careers and retirement to consider. > >Please write to your Congressman, or to your favorite >candidate for President and ask him to take a stand on this >issue, not for Spec. Michael New's sake, but for the sake of >freedom and American sovereignty -- an old fashioned idea >which has come back -- at least to one American soldier! > >.. The concept of national sovereignty is becoming obsolete. >.. -- Strobe Talbott, Deputy Secretary of State under Clinton >************************************************************************* >UCC 1-207 Unsubscribe info - send to usa-forever-request@webcom.com the >word unsubscribe in the body of the message. | Listowner pc-man@pobox.com ----- End Included Message ----- Date: Tue Aug 29, 1995 9:17 am CST From: Carolyn Rubright EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: clloyd@ix.netcom.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Reporting from Arkansas FROM: MAXINE ALEXANDER (NKYF03A) Prodigy From Arkansas Democrat-Gazette - August 26, 1995 BRITISH TV JOURNALIST FINISHED FILMING MENA AIRPORT 'SECRETS' Reporter calls tale of drugs, arms for Contras "fascinating" by Rodney Bowers Democrat-Gazette State Reporter MENA -- A British journalist said Friday that he found the "secrets and allegations" of drugs and arms smuggling at the Mena airport "fascinating." "It's a fascinating story that we think will interest British viewers," said David Baxter, an associate producer for the independent film company 20-20. "If that sort of thing happened in the United Kingdom, it would be amazing" and warrant extensive national media reporting, which he said "strangely" has not occurred here. Baxter's London-based film crew spent three weeks in Arkansas this month investigating allegations that convicted drug smuggler Barry Seal shipped "hundreds of pounds" of cocaine into the state through the Mena airport in the early 1980s. They also investigated allegations that Seal flew illegal firearms out of the airport to the Nicaraguan Contras during Bill Clinton's tenure as governor. The film crew also looked into allegations that Seal funneled his drug money through Clinton associates and state agencies. Seal, who cooperated as a federal Drug Enforcement Administration witness, died in a hail of gunfire in February 1986 as he returned to a halfway house in Baton Rouge, La., where he was serving a sentence in a federal drug case. Authorities later arrested and convicted a group of Columbians in the assassination. It also was the October 1986 crash of one of Seal's cargo airplanes - a C-123K based for a time at Mena - that led to the unraveling of a covert U.S. operation to arm Contra rebels against the communist government in Nicaragua. Baxter said he expects the report to air Sept. 7 or 14 as part of "The Big Story," a "60 Minutes" type program on the British television network ITV. Baxter said he found the account of a former Clinton security guard particularly interesting, adding, "We're very pleased with our interview with L.D.Brown." Brown has claimed he left the governor's security force in 1984 to work for the CIA and that he participated in Seal's drugs flights at Mena. "Obviously, if L.D. Brown is to be believed - and he certainly comes across to me as honest - Clinton knew about what was going on," Baxter said. "I'm certainly startled by that." Clinton, however, has disputed Brown's story, calling him a "pathological liar." During the course of the group's investigation, Baxter said, "We spoke to people who claimed they were interviewed by (Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth) Starr ... concerning the Arkansas Development and Finance Authority" and the possibility that Seal and others laundered drug money through that organization. Others interviewed by the British crew for their television report included: *Terry Reed, a former Little Rock businessman who recently claimed that Iran-Contra figure Oliver North recruited him to train Contra pilots at Mena and that Clinton knew of the drugs and arms smuggling at the airport. *Bill Dunca, a former IRS agent who investigated Seal's admitted money-laundering at Mena. *Russell Welch, a state police investigator who looked into Seal's smuggling activities at the airport. *John Brown,a former Saline County sheriff's Deputy who investigated the 1987 deaths of Bryant teen-agers Don G. Henry and Larry K. Ives and thought them to be linked to the Mena operation. A federal grand jury meeting in the late 1980s in western Arkansas did not return any indictments in its Mena investi- gation. Several people associated with the investigation have claimed the U.S. attorney's office withheld information from the grand jury. J. Michael Fitzhugh, the former U.S. attorney who oversaw the investigation, has denied the allegation. Baxter said he and the film crew had several unusual experiences while in Arkansas, including seeing an Air Force helicopter land at the Mena airport for "no apparent reason". Also while in Mena, he said, city police twice pulled over members of the film crew and asked for identification and their reason for being there. Baxter said that did not bother him as much, however, as an incident at Little Rock. "I found a man in my motel room in the middle of the night," he said. Baxter said the man explained that he had been sleepwalking and theorized he entered Baxter's unlocked door. (And elephants fly, too - Mine mma) While it "turned out to be quite innocent and amusing," Baxter said, "a certain percentage of me still thinks that it may have been something more." Likewise, Baxter said he believes there might be more to the Mena story. "I would very much like to come back and have a more thorough investigation," he said. END OF ARTICLE The "sleepwalking" man makes me feel he learned his answers at the knees of WW hearings. Thought this was interesting and all of you (instead of ya'll) would enjoy it. Regards, Maxine 8:10 PM CST Date: Wed Aug 30, 1995 2:25 pm CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Sara McClendon: "U.S. government death squads" I heard Sara McClendon interviewed on the Michael Savage talk show yesterday afternoon (KSFO, 560 AM, San Francisco). Now someone correct me if I am wrong, but I believe that Sara McClendon qualifies as SOMEONE with respect to her journalistic credentials. I believe that she as regarded as the "dean" of the Washington press corps, and was one of the biggest name writers for the Associated Press. I understand that it was a long standing tradition that McClendon would always wear a red dress to Presidential press conferences, sit in the front row, and have the privilege of asking the first question. To repeat, in the world of journalism, Sara McClendon was SOMEBODY. I cannot recap everything that was said in the interview on KSFO, but the most remarkable things that I remember are the following: 1.) The U.S. government has "death squads": the CIA probably has two or three, the FBI probably has one, the Justice department probably has one. 2.) Vince Fosters death should be investigated as a murder. Foster had learned some very alarming things, had become disillusioned/disgusted, and was going to meet with the President on Wednesday, without Web Hubbel, and spill the beans. But on the Tuesday before the meeting, Foster's life ended or was ended. (Can anyone shed some light on this? Does anyone know if there is any evidence or testimony that Foster and Clinton were scheduled to meet on Wednesday?) 3.) I can't recall the nuances, but McClendon appeared to distance herself or be non-committal on the Jim Norman "Fostergate" story. I think her response was "I haven't looked into that and can't say anything about it." (McClendon appeared to be very defensive, though, when a caller raised the question about whether the FBI or other agencies had used Mossad to facilitate/perpetrate "suicides" of various people in the U.S. Without answering the question, she simply responded that after WW II the U.S. had brought former Nazis into the government in the U.S.) 4.) When a caller made reference to the circulating reports (on the internet) of 25 or 35 people associated with the Clinton's in Arkansas now being deceased under mysterious or untimely circumstances, McClendon indicated that there were perhaps 67 people who's deaths could be linked to the government. The only specific case I recall her mentioning was that of a Marine Corps Colonel who had learned of Marine Corps planes bringing illegal drugs into the country and who was killed to silence him. 5.) McClendon said that the reason that the drug traffic is so large and that the war against drugs has been such a failure is that goverment officials and politicians receive a lot of money from it. G. Holford Date: Wed Aug 30, 1995 9:12 pm CST From: Gerhard Holford EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: germanic@netcom.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: Sara McClendon: "U.S. government death squads" On Wed, 30 Aug 1995, Daniel J. Mangan wrote: > > I'll correct you: I believe you are confusing McClendon with Helen > Thomas, who is considered the dean of the White House Correspondents, > and who works at UPI, not the AP. Thomas, I think, wears red dresses to > presidential press conferences, and, I know, sits in the first row asks > the first question, and says "Thank you Mr. President," at the end of > the session. Helen Thomas is indeed 'SOMEBODY.' > Now who McClendon is is a different story. Some view her as a crank, > others as a refreshing alternative to the generally kowtowing White > House corps. From what I know of her she's run her own news service for > years -- which she had to do since no newspaper would hire her because > of her sex -- and that Nixon press secretary Ron Ziegler treated her > with disdain at times. For a good account of McClendon, Thomas, and > other White House reporters, check out "The Boys on The Bus," by Tim > Crouse, who was Hunter S. Thompson's fellow '72 campaign reporter for > Rolling Stone. The book is, rightly so, considered a classic. > > > Yes, I believe I have confused Sara McClendon and Helen Thomas. All those geriatric female reporters look alike to me. Thanks for the correction. Regards, G. Holford Date: Fri Sep 01, 1995 12:47 pm CST From: nemo EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: nemo@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: U.S. Death Squads [Part 2 of 2] [continuation of Part 1] [...commercial break...] O.K. We are back, live. My guest is Gene Wheaton. He is an investigator. He has had many, many years of experience, and plenty of credentials to do what he does. And you actually got recruited by military buddies of yours when you were *out* of the military. And [you] started lookin', back in the days of Iran-Contra. WHEATON: That's correct. VALENTINE: I remember the last time you were on. You said something about helping "The Opponents for Ollie North". Well Ollie North got beat. Can you take any credit? WHEATON: I certainly sit back here very pleased that he got beat. I... The man is part of that "lunatic fringe". I equate him to corporal Adolph Hitler, before the German government was taken over. They really want a secret police state! He and his little fringe group that he runs with. And I, I did what I could. They started a disinformation program about 30 days before the election, to try to get the national media to stop talking to me. But I was in there working, to the last day. TOM VALENTINE: Well I understand that. Now, when you began investigating the Iran-Contra affair, then you ran into Ollie North right off the bat. GENE WHEATON: That's right. In the actual beginning, '85, you know I didn't have any objection to covert operations, as long as they were in the interest of national security and were legal and congressionally approved and conformed to the Constitution. But within several months, the folks I mentioned who asked me to help 'em started feeding me information about renegade operations, about the theft of billions of dollars worth of taxpayer paid-for weapons out of U.S. military stockpiles and NATO stockpiles being sold, and the money being stashed in off-shore bank accounts: the weapons going to both our friends and our enemies, just to keep turmoil going in the world; and laundered drug money being used for covert operations. In the beginning, I thought the contractor pilots were cheating on the National Security Council and Ollie North's people, and I briefed CIA director Bill Casey and Ollie North's staff and the Pentagon people, in early '86. VALENTINE: I'll bet they were really surprised that somebody was tellin' 'em what they were doin'! WHEATON: Yeah! [laughs] I was a little naive. They said, "Oh, really?" And then they all denied being involved. And thinking that I was only one guy out there, they told me if I thought I could expose it, to go ahead. So [they] sorta "threw down the gauntlet". But it wasn't just me. It was a large group of patriotic people that were helping me, and we... VALENTINE: A lot of those folks ended up in jail, did they not? WHEATON: Well... The wrong, not many of the *right* people ended up in jail! There was... VALENTINE: Well I thought some of these guys who blew the whistle and ended up in jail were pretty much on the right side. WHEATON: There were some people who ended up dead; some ended up in jail. But the ones who *should* have been in jail are the ones walkin' free today. [CN -- i.e., many of Wheaton's informants, the "whistleblowers", were either murdered or imprisoned. But the actual guilty parties avoided justice.] VALENTINE: Isn't that how it works. No, I was thinking of... There was a fellow, named Martin, who called me from jail in the south side. There's a Customs agent named "Ayers(sp?)" who went to jail trying to put the figure of the drug operations and the drugs and guns operations of the Iran-Contra... WHEATON: He was a former special forces officer who was working under the south Florida "task force" of narcotics. That's Brad Ayers. VALENTINE: Yes! Brad Ayers, yeah! WHEATON: His credibility was destroyed by disinformation, much like they tried to do mine. The only thing [that] saved me is my strong family background, my friends, and my military and police reputation. But Brad really had a rough time, and is *still* having a rough time. VALENTINE: Yes. In fact, I've known about Brad for many years, and we were neighbors up in St. Paul, Minnesota. And I will be... I've never brought him on as a guest! One of these days I may let him tell his whole story. It's a hair-raiser. WHEATON: It certainly is. He's got a major, major... He had to fight through the legal system in a lawsuit to try to obtain records out of the CIA and Customs and U.S. Marshalls Office about bad stories that were spread about him. He's got the documentation now. I think he's taking some legal action. VALENTINE: Yes, he's tryin'. That's why I'm sayin' I'd like to get him back on the show. Now we had a character that came on this show; his wife came on this show many times. He is said to be still in prison, over in Austria, but *I* believe he's sittin' there, countin' his money -- and that is Gunther Russbacher(sp?). WHEATON: Yes... I've avoided getting involved in that thing because I know very little about him. Plus, I don't... The problem with Gunther Russbacher that I see -- he's called me 2 or 3 times, while he was in jail, but I've never met him... VALENTINE: Uh-huh [understands]. WHEATON: .and I would try to pin him down on things. But like a *lot* of guys involved in the covert operations community, these guys, as part of their trade, are pathological liars, and they will intermix the truth with fiction. When the truth would help 'em, they will still tell you a lie. And he had so many conflicting stories that he was saying to me that I couldn't determine whether he was real or a phony. So I... VALENTINE: It drove ya nuts, didn't it!? Yeah, he even... Uh, Ross Perot tried to get some facts out of him and couldn't do it. WHEATON: I understand that. Yes. VALENTINE: Yeah. O.K. Now. I'm gonna ask your opinion on one of 'em. I believe that Inslaw, [the] theft of that software, is one of the biggest crimes in the history of American government. Right up there... Iran-Contra are all part of it. And I'm just wondering if you've had any, run across anything of that Inslaw case. WHEATON: Well, I have. Early on, Bill Hamilton contacted me. And I've had several meetings with him, back in Washington, and gave him a little advice. It's a very convoluted thing, but it was one of the biggest rip-offs by the U.S. Justice Department and the intelligence community [that] I have ever seen in my life. Every time a judge ruled in his favor, that judge lost his job. I know the people who actually sold his software overseas. And I've given that information to him (I don't want to discuss it over the air). But... VALENTINE: Yes. I understand. I'm still following the Inslaw case. And of course, I've had another one, just like Gunther Russbacher, in Michael Riconosciuto! WHEATON: Some of them, I think, may be covert operators that just can't distinguish the truth from fiction. And some of 'em are "ringers" that they send in on you just as confusion people, so that you don't know which way to go. VALENTINE: Aren't they good at that. All right. My guest is Gene Wheaton. Subject: investigating the kind of corruption that goes on in our government. If you'd like to join us, 1-800-878-8255. I'm Tom Valentine. This is *Radio Free America*. [...commercial break...] All right, we are back, live. My guest is Gene Wheaton. You know, Gene, I'm sitting here as a journalist and a co-author for many, many people; I'm saying, "Have you arranged for your book yet?" WHEATON: [laughs] No. I'd have to write it as fiction. Nobody'd believe it as the truth! VALENTINE: I think maybe you and I'd better talk. Because I have worked with people before on this kind of book, and *yes*, we should talk. You're *not* fiction. And I think people who listen can tell there's credibility here. Fred. Picayune, Mississippi. You're on with Gene Wheaton. FRED: Hello, Tom! Nice to talk with ya. And good afternoon... Colonel, Colonel Wheaton, is it? WHEATON: Chief warrant officer. VALENTINE: Chief warrant officer. FRED: O.K. I helped pull a whole bunch of marines [unclear] the 10th Corps on the beach at [unclear] back in December of 1950, and so consider myself a friend of the armed forces, since I was a member of the United States Navy. But a question I have for you is, I happened to read a piece in the Louisville *Courier-Journal*, on the front page, about -- I guess it was the third week of January, 1987 -- in which a pilot who had been caught hauling weapons down to, I think it was... uh, Honduras -- I think it was Honduras -- and was bringing back loads of drugs!! He said it happened every trip! And he said that he would normally land on some deserted strip in Florida, in the middle of the night -- which he was on his way to doing, and he got word to go to Opalanca(?) [CN -- apparently a military airbase of some sort]. And he said, "Opalanca! You know what I'm carrying?!" And they said, "Don't worry. It's all taken care of." And this was brought up during Oliver North's appearance, shortly after in, I forget... February, when he first appeared. There were a group who came into the hearing room with a huge banner. They unrolled this thing mentioning the drugs, so that the congressmen could see it. And they were dragged out of the building right away! Do you know anything... I was wonderin', could you tell us anything about that or... WHEATON: I was in Washington, D.C. when that banner was disclosed. It was flown, in the room there. VALENTINE: Yeah. *Unfurled* it, huh? [chuckles] FRED: .I saw it [unclear]. I was watching the hearings. It was the House hearings and they, these people walked in. And all of a sudden you've got this banner stretched out across the room... VALENTINE: Well Gene saw it! Go ahead, Gene. Tell us what happened. FRED: .and I will hang up and listen. WHEATON: Well, there was a... This is just one of several. We have several pilots, who are former covert operations pilots, that are coming forward *now* because of the Sabo case and because of the 32 C- 130s. Some of them flew those C-130s. They're just now hearing about our investigation and it's starting to come out of the closet. These guys *were* *patriots*, former military and Air America, CIA pilots, who were *told* that flying weapons down was covert operations, and flying drugs back would be "DEA stings". But they flew many, many missions and no sting operations ever happened. And then many of them became whistle blowers. Some of them were put in prison... uh, falsely, with evidence withheld at their trial, to shut them up. But we do have, we do have a few of 'em that have come out of the woodwork. That particular incident that your caller was talking about was a DC-6 load of 27,000 pounds of marijuana that was vectored in with the, by the covert operators, getting the, getting the squawk signals on the radio to land at Homestead Air Force Base, in Florida. The pilot of that plane was a guy by the name of Michael Tolliver(sp?). Mike Tolliver later flew a twin-engine plane up with a load of narcotics and wrecked the plane when he ran out of fuel just off of one of the islands in the Caribbean. He was put in prison, but later was called into federal court in Wichita, Kansas, under Judge Kelley's court, because of the lawsuit between the owners of the plane and the insurance company's claiming it was being used for criminal activities. Tolliver claimed that the plane he wrecked -- not the one at Homestead, but the one he wrecked in the Caribbean -- was furnished to him by the U.S. government and he was hauling narcotics into the United States for *them*. Now Judge Kelley(sp?) called him up from prison and put him in front of his court in Kansas, with the opposition of the U.S. Attorney's office and the Marshalls. And Tolliver made a sworn statement to the judge, to that effect. The U.S. government continued to deny any involvement, but a year or two later, the U.S. government *quietly* paid for that airplane. Now that's the typical type of thing that... Laundered drug money is being used for covert operations all over the world, and it is *not*, I repeat, for national security reasons. It's to keep the covert operators in business and to keep the international weapons business viable. And that's the kind of guys that you're running into. TOM VALENTINE: All right. We have another caller, "J.R.", Johnson City, Illinois. You're on with Gene Wheaton. J.R.: O.K. Thanks a lot, Tom. What I wanted to ask Mr. Wheaton was, is, you know everybody knows what Clinton's up to and his "leftist" views and everything. And what I'd really like to know is, in the top echelon of the military, if they try this "national emergency" or try to bring FEMA in to take over everything (as a lot of the word is now on talk radio), do you think that there's enough of the top brass in the military that'll put a squash to this? I'll hang up and listen for the answer. VALENTINE: All right. Gene, I don't know if you would understand the question. I don't know if it's in your area. But it may be, 'cause you *do* get around with our military. But there's a lot of Americans who are concerned that our government has a, in place, "Emergency Manipulation Agency", that could take over in a crisis and conduct martial law. And we're wondering if there are people in the military who simply wouldn't stand for it. WHEATON: Well I would certainly hope so. VALENTINE: Yeah, me too! WHEATON: The... 90, 95 percent of the military are extremely patriotic, loyal American people. The problem is that, in the old days, when you and I knew what our real military was, the line officers, the combat arms officers -- infantry generals, tank generals, artillery generals -- were the key men in the Pentagon. They now, through this infiltration, have moved civilians into the Department of Defense who are former covert operators in CIA. And have moved their proteges, who are military men but have actually worked on CIA covert operations most of their careers, into many of the very senior, key positions in the Pentagon. And these guys answer to their mentors, outside of the chain of command, rather than up through the chain of command to the commanding general. And they send orders out to the field, and people have to obey those orders or be court-martialed for disobeying them. Now there's gonna be a... There *is* a plan, that came out during the Iran-Contra hearings, by Jack Brooks of Texas, that... VALENTINE: Yeah, but Jack is now out! WHEATON: Yes. But he brought it up, but he was shut down when he tried to elaborate on it during the Iran-Contra. A plan, that Ollie North drafted, for FEMA to be standing by, and martial law -- when it was implemented, they would go out and scarf up maybe 300,000 of the more, more vocal opponents of their plans, and put 'em in twelve detention camps [a.k.a. concentration camps] around the United States. VALENTINE: All right. We'll come back to that, if you don't mind, Gene. My last break of the day. My guest is Gene Wheaton. I'm Tom Valentine, this is *Radio Free America*. [...commercial break...] All right, we are back, live. My guest is Gene Wheaton, a veteran police investigator whose credibility is unchallenged, or unchallengeable. And he's one of the real Americans. I love to have him come on this show. Gene, you were talkin' about Ollie North and FEMA when we had to take that break. WHEATON: That's right. And they set up this program to, they were planning on some Central American invasions. And if too many American people opposed it they were going to declare martial law and take these old military bases that they had designated, around the United States, as detention camps -- much like they did the Nissei(sp?) Japanese-Americans during World War II -- and scarf 'em up and put 'em... VALENTINE: Well they have not abandoned that plan! They may have abandoned Ollie, but they haven't abandoned that plan! WHEATON: Well the plan is still there, on the books. VALENTINE: Yep. WHEATON: Jack Brooks was talked down and told he had to go into "executive session" [i.e. away from public scrutiny] when he brought it up during the Iran-Contra hearings. But it was still there. And there is a new Army field manual on civilian affairs/civilian operations that's "floating around" right now calling, outlining this very same program. VALENTINE: All right. Now we've had a major political change in this country. And I've tried to point out [that] we're not saved by it at all. But it's a step in the right direction. Jack Brooks is typical of the Democrats that were defeated, and he himself was defeated in this election. But do you think that there's enough stuff in Jack Brook's head, if he were ever to tell everything he's learned, it would be pretty heavy? WHEATON: Yes. He was the head of the House Judiciary Committee. And the sub-committee on crime of the House Judiciary Committee was the committee that held our hearings on the Gandor crash. And he is... And I also briefed him, his staff, on the covert operations at Mena, Arkansas. And incidentally, I know it's not the time to go into it, but we've tracked the operations of the 32 missing C-130s *through* Mena, Arkansas. And the same people are running those that were running these things now. And it's a continuation of Iran-Contra! Everybody thinks Iran-Contra *quit* with Ollie North and Secord being exposed. But it actually got bigger because the media stopped looking at it at that time. VALENTINE: All right. Now. We *are* getting out of time. But you will be back, I am sure. The, the last thing I want to ask you is... [sighs] I was listening to you and I've lost my train of thought, but I will get it back. Essentially, you read the book by Terry Reed, I presume? WHEATON: Yes. I know Terry Reed. VALENTINE: *Compromised*. And Terry Reed is pretty valid, is he not? WHEATON: His book is, concerning events at Mena, Arkansas, is extremely accurate. I can't vouch for the other things about his stolen airplane and the covert operations in Mexico that he talks about. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- [CN -- Regarding the credibility of Reed's book, I have recently heard its credibility questioned as follows: (1) I called a radio program which featured a reporter from the *Arkansas-Gazette*. In the process of challenging him (he was defending Clinton), I mentioned Reed's book. His retort was along the lines of "I can't really see Reed smoking a joint with Bill Casey." (2) A similar disparagement was heard by me shortly thereafter on a different radio show, where the disparagement went along the lines of "I can't really see Reed smoking a joint with Ollie North." From the book, *Compromised*, by Terry Reed & John Cummings [excerpts only]: The governor's invitation had come as a surprise to Terry. He would be even more surprised by what he was about to see and hear. "Bobby says you've got a problem about going to Mexico because of the deal with Barry Seal," the glassy-eyed governor began. By this time, the smell of marijuana was unmistakable. Clinton paused for a moment as if trying to sort out his thoughts. "I can see your concern. I understand Seal was a friend of yours. His death does appear suspicious... Seal got just too damn big for his britches and that scum basically deserved to die, in my opinion..." {CN -- Further note that LaRouche et al. have heaped *great* *praise* on Reed and his book. This makes me wonder, how does LaRouche's newspaper *New Federalist* reconcile this paragraph with their unbridled praise for Reed's book? After all, LaRouche and friends keep *defending* Clinton -- isn't there a contradiction here in that they *both* defend Clinton *and* endorse Reed's book? What does LaRouche say about "...that scum basically deserved to die", a statement attributed to Clinton in a book which has received strong endorsement from the LaRouche organization?} With that, Clinton got up from his chair and went to the back of the van, returning with a half-smoked joint. He reseated himself. He took a long, deep drag. After holding it in until his cheeks bulged, he then exhaled slowly and deliberately. He extended his arm and offered the joint to Reed. Terry shook his head and gestured, no thanks. I have been unable to locate any section in which Reed is smoking marijuana with either Bill Casey or Oliver North. If anyone knows of such a section, please send the relevant page number and/or chapter. In the meantime I will keep searching through Reed's book for the alleged section.] -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- VALENTINE: All right, the very last thing: is anything *ever* gonna come of the Gandor investigation? WHEATON: Well the Gandor investigation is the biggest scandal that is being concealed in the entire 20th century, as far as I'm concerned. We got 248 soldiers from the 101st Airborne murdered, and 8 crew members. And Ollie North and Dick Secord and "Buck" Ravell(sp?) of the FBI, and the administration, *covered* *that* *up*. We have just come across *new* information, that we may have to talk about later, that shows that there was some back- pack nuclear devices on that airplane and there was a *nuclear* *accident* at Gandor that they didn't want the world to know about because they were illegally moving nuclear devices through countries that weren't authorizing this to take place. VALENTINE: You will be back, on *Radio Free America*, Gene Wheaton. I sure thank you for your time today. WHEATON: O.K., Tom. VALENTINE: And we *will* be talking. All right. Thank you very much. Gene Wheaton is the guest and, as you heard, there's a *lot* goin' on out there, and it's not... It's skullduggery. More skullduggery than we care to even contemplate. It's time it gets cleaned up, folks. And Americans like Gene Wheaton are gonna help us. All right! We'll be back! In the next hour. See you right after the alleged "news". --------------------------------------------------------------------------- ::::::::::::: / \ __ / --------------- * NEMO@CAIS.COM / / \(..)/ ------------ * ::::::::::::: ////// ' \/ ` ---------- * PGP Encrypted //// / // : : ------- * Mail Welcome \\/ / * / /` ' ---- * P K Fingerprint: 30 2C E7 58 18 38 DE 45 \*/ * //..\\ (as of 8/10/95) 39 FB F5 B6 1F D8 0E 54 -----------UU----UU-------------------------------------------------------- '//||\\` N E M O M E I M P U N E L A C E S S I T --------------------------------------------------------------------------- END Date: Sat Sep 02, 1995 12:38 pm CST From: INTRREPID EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: intrrepid@aol.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: The Mena Plot Thickens September 11 Insight Magazine article by Jamie Dettmer and Paul Rodriguez states: Whitewater independent counsel Kenneth Starr's recent indictments of former Clinton business partner James McDougal and Arkansas Gov. Jim Guy Tucker are unlikely to be the last to shake the Razorback State and the Clinton Whitehouse. Other indictments are being considered by Starr's team. But the next batch almost certainly is going come not from Whitewater inquiry but from an FBI probe into a 1987 double homicide that has been the subject of considerable state controversy. For several months the FBI have been investigating the murders of teenagers Don Henry and Kevin Ives, who were found stabbed and bludgeoned on railroad tracks along the Pulaski-Saline county line on the outskirts of Little Rock. The targets of the probe are a handfull of suspected drug dealers from northwest Arkansas, a Little Rock prosecutor and several former members of the sheriff's departments in Pulaski and Saline counties, local law enforcement sources tell *news alert! Why should this case bother the White House? For a couple of major reasons. Two of the alleged drug dealers under suspicion for the murders have been linked in raw law-enforcement intelligence files with prominent Arkansas businessmen__who also happen to be Friends of Bill. Further, the gruesome double homicide may well be connected with the mysterious Mena drug-trafficking of the 1980s that is beginning-at last-to catch the attention of congressional investigators. It woul appear the boys stumbled upon a Mena narcotics drop site shortly before a delivery. Starr's investigators have also inquired about this in their bid to trace money-laundering in Arkansas. If any case is mounted by the FBI, then Mena is likely to figure prominently. And the proverbial cat could well be out of the bag. Meanwhile, despite press reports that Illinios Republican Henry Hyde, the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, is contemplating a Mena probe, it now appears that he has decided against such an inquiry, congressional sources tell *news alert. But Iowa Republican Jim Leach, chairman of the House Banking Committee, is getting more interested in Mena and has now tasked two aides to begin a preliminary investigation. If the Feds start on Mena now, Leach could be encouraged to call a hearing. *News Alert is the name of the feature inside Insight Magazine. Date: Sun Sep 03, 1995 9:45 am CST From: ezehr EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: ezehr@capaccess.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: Choices In Message-ID: <429i9b$314$1@mhadg.production.compuserve.com> Rosalee Thompson <75304.2620@CompuServe.COM> wrote: >On a 1 Sep message, Wayne Mann says he has no fact to back up his >claim that Perot's motive was to defeat Bush--there was a >vendetta, well-published before the election, I just can't >remember what it was; from what I've read/observed about Perot, >it doesn't take much--likely another fantasy such as the one >about his daughter's wedding. > >I agree with David's comment--He would have knowingly handed over >the president to [David's well-made point about] Clinton. >What is so disturbing to me, is how deeply hate can penetrate >within Perot's psyche. There can hardly be any doubt that Perot's motive was to defeat Bush. His appeal was to the "Reagan Democrats." By depriving Bush of the support of that block of voters Perot was able to deny him the chance to be re-elected. That is not to say that Bush might not have lost anyway - only that Perot's entry into the race made his defeat a near certainty. I don't know if I would go so far as to characterize Perot's emotional reaction to Bush as one of "hate," but he must have felt a great deal of animosity toward the man to act as he did. I too have wondered what was behind Perot's dislike for Bush. The only thing I have been able to dig up is Bush's apparent blow-off of Perot's attempts to locate and return American POWs abandoned in Southeast Asia after the Vietnam War. The following quote from the book *Kiss the Boys Goodbye* by Monika and William Stevenson makes this clear: Relations between Bush and Perot had gone downhill ever since the Vice President had asked Ross Perot how his POW/MIA investigations were going. "Well, George, I go in looking for prisoners," said Perot, "but I spend all my time discovering the government has been moving drugs around the world and is involved in illegal arms deals... I can't get at the prisoners because of the corruption among our own covert people." This ended Perot's official access to the highly classified files as a one-man presidential investigator. "I have been ordered to cease and desist," he had informed the families of missing men early in 1987. The book is highly supportive of Perot, as the above quotation suggests. We don't know Bush's side of the case since he has never addressed this aspect of the POW issue publicly. Another quote from the same source was made by Perot following an address he delivered at the Naval Academy in 1986: When you look into the prisoner cover-up, you find government officials in the drug trade who can't break themselves of the habit. Thus, Perot was already aware, at that early date, that our government had been corrupted, at a very high level, by the drug trafficking that underlies the scandals we know as "Mena." During the summer of that year, Sen. Kerry, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, spoke of "an interlocking web of private bank accounts, airstrips, pilots, planes and anti-Communist guerrilla bases used in common by arms-smugglers, narcotics smugglers..." The means whereby Kerry's investigation was sidetracked and the coverup maintained are outlined in the book. What we are seeing now is merely a continuation of the same old scam, perpetuated by powerful insiders of both major political parties who are motivated by moral cowardice, or worse. If it is true, as Mr. Norman maintains, that more than 200 high government officials possessed secret Swiss bank accounts averaging $10 million each, what possible source could there be for such a surfeit of illicit funds other than the drug trade? If even a significant fraction of the allegations made to date regarding this issue are true, then our government is not merely corrupt - it is utterly vile. The image of Americans who fought for their country being left to rot in captivity so that some loathsome, fat-faced, overprivileged government parasites can bloat their bank accounts with illegal drug money is so egregious it cries to heaven for vengeance. The determination of the facts regarding this issue is not a matter of idle curiosity - it has to do with the survival of our democratic institutions. The only way we will ever induce the sniveling cowards who pretend to represent us to tell us the truth about this is to make it unambiguously clear to them that we demand and require the truth, and that if it is not forthcoming we are prepared to send them straight to Hell, without passing Go or any of the other amenities. Date: Sun Sep 03, 1995 9:49 am CST From: Financial Opportunities EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: financial.opportunities@canrem.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: More on *drugs* from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT..& FOSTERGATE More thoughts to munch on, regarding Mena and the Contra affair, from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT....with a postscript on FOSTERGATE and those "nuclear secrets"! ******************************************************* According to Glibbery, strange events happened regularly on Hull's ranch. A number of Americans of some apparent importance arrived at various intervals, met with Hull for a while, then departed. One of them, according to Glibbery, was Andy Messing, a high-profile Contra supporter in Washington and director of the National Defence Council. But Messing's business card indicated he was something else. "Andy Messing, Arms Dealer" was on the card he gave Glibbery. Carr said that on March 6th the previous year, he and Robert "Pantera" Thompson were flown from the Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood airport in south Florida aboard a CV-440 cargo plane owned by Florida Aircraft Leasing Corp. and leased by American Flyers, a secretive air cargo company in south Florida. American Flyers was owned by Daniel Vasquez III, who had been convicted of illegally running guns to Cuba in the 1950's and again in the 1960's. The air cargo manifest for the trip listed "50 cartons medical supplies" and "30 cartons clothing". It was, according to the manifest, "a relief shipment to the refugees of San Salvador." Some relief shipment. Aboard the plane, according to Carr, were a 14-foot 20mm cannon with 150 rounds, 30 G-3 automatic rifles, a box of M16 rifles, some 60mm mortars and a .50- caliber machine gun with 250 rounds of ammunition. All of the weapons came from the home of Rene Corvo and Frank Chanes of Ocean Hunter. Carr's claims were later backed up by FBI documents. According to Carr, the plane flew from Fort Lauderdale to Illopango in El Salvador, the arms were transferred to an Islander cargo plane belonging to the Salvadorean Air Force, and they were then flown to Hull's ranch. More troubling than the arms shipments were claims by Carr and Clibbery that much of the activity around [John] Hull's [Costa Rican] ranch involved the transshipment of cocaine to the United States. Carr said he had personally witnessed cocaine being loaded on aircraft that regularly landed at Hull's ranch. Before they were allowed to take off, the pilots were charged exorbitant fees for landing rights and refueling. Glibbery said at one point he overheard a call Hull received from someone in Washington expressing concern about the drugs. Washington wanted to "clean up" Hull, according to Glibbery. Carr and Glibbery confirmed my earlier suspicious about the real reason for the southern front. It was a drug front. The information provided by Carlos Cassell and the offer from Paco Chanes only reinforced what I was hearing from these two. There remained little doubt in my mind that the U.S. government had knowledge about the drug trade being advanced under the protection of its war against the Sandinistas. John Davies, the other British mercenary, refused to talk to me. But Pantera, the former Florida highway patrolman, was happy to see me because I represented the first semi-friendly face he had seen in a while. He had lost at least 50 pounds since the last time I saw him because the meager [Costa Rican] prison food that was being restricted due to Hull's influence. Pantera was disoriented and talked in riddles most of the time, but he told me enough about the drug trafficking schemes on Hull's ranch to support Glibbery and Carr. Human mules were humping 10 to 12 kilos of cocaine each from labs around Bluefields and taking it across the Rio San Juan onto Hull's ranch before being flown to the States. The drugs were being processed in labs in *Nicaragua* because at that time the Colombians were having problems getting ether they needed for the final step in processing coca paste into cocaine. They'd ship the paste from Colombia into Nicaragua, where they could get plenty of ether, process the paste into cocaine there, and then take the cocaine through Costa Rica and Honduras. Hull's ranch was the most convenient transshipment point. But drug shipments also provided a good source of funds for the Contras. They supposedly were going to do this only until Congress re-established funding for the Contras. It was short-term, creative financing in the incredibly lucrative commodity of cocaine. The five mercenaries knew the ins and outs of the scheme and that knowledge made their lives virtually worthless as long as they stayed in Costa Rica. Glibbery, Carr and Pantera were wide-eyed with fear when I talked to them. Hull had a lot of influence in Costa Rica and could just as easily have had them killed as he could ensure they spent many years in prison. *********************************************************** Exerpted from DISPOSABLE PATRIOT, by Jack Terrell and Ron Martz [ISBN 0915765381, National Press Books, 1992] - highly recommended for background on the US intelligence community, drugs, and the Contras! ********************************************************** And for those who find it unbelievable that senior US officials could sell or give US nuclear secrets [and drawings, materials, supplies and parts] secretly to other countries, I recommend NEW WORLD ORDER by William Still [ISBN 0910316411, Huntingdon House, 1990, $9.95]. Still, an ex-newspaper editor, devotes a chapter to the DIARIES OF MAJOR JORDAN, wherein Jordan, the US officer responsible for lend-lease air shipments to Russia, documented the constant flow of nuclear bomb plans, parts and fissionable material, together with maps marking key US military and industrial locations, to Russia via his opposite number, Russian Colonel Kotikov [whenever Kotikov wanted something or was displeased, he called someone in Washington, and an hour later he had it or it was on its way. Jordan identifies that "someone" as Harry Hopkins]. General Groves, the security head for the US A-bomb project managed to stem the flow of vital thorium shipments to Russia when he discovered them, but that was all he was able to stop! And for those who doubt Major Jordan, consult the chapter entitled "Super Lend-Lease" in BLACK SUN: THE MAKING OF THE HYDROGEN BOMB, by Richard Rhodes [1995, Simon and Shuster]. Rhodes confirms Jordan in every detail. So it appears that selling or giving away US nuclear secrets has an *honourable pedigree* in Washington.... Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:05 am CST From: ezehr EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: ezehr@capaccess.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: Am I reading these Mena things right? In Message-ID: <42ba0i$a4@lucky.innet.com> rbb2@lucky.innet.com wrote: >Am I misreading something? For the past few months there have been numerous >people voicing the opinion that individuals within the US govt have been >involved in drug trafficing, and nobody's been sent to jail? > >I thought we were supposed to put bad guys in jail??? > >-rbb That was before certain people in the government decided that drug trafficking would be a dandy way to finance covert operations. By 1985, Gen. Paul F. Gorman[*] had revealed in a "secret memo" sent to the Defense Department that, "There is not a single group in unconventional warfare that does not use narcotics to fund itself." The approach of some of these groups to "warfare" seems pretty unconventional alright. It appears to consist mainly of skimming a healthy percentage off the top and distributing it among the group (as well as its "groupies" within the federal, state and local governments). Ancillary tasks include smearing journalists who get too nosey and deviate from the official line, arranging "accidents" ["he ran into a tree and died"], orchestrating suicides [two decapitated bodies found on a railroad track in Arkansas - obvious cause of death, suicide], and beating to a pulp anyone who seems excessively unfriendly to the "Activity." Not to name names, but when a certain governor (who later went on to bigger things) was informed by a certain state trooper that while on a flight to a certain country in Central America, that originated in a certain state that was governed by the governor, on behalf of a certain intelligence agency, he learned that the airplane was loaded with cocaine, the gov. replied "That's [Dan] Lasater's [oops] deal, that's Lasater's deal." He went on to say "and your buddy Bush knows about it." I really shouldn't drop names like that. It's all very hush-hush, you know (i.e. everybody knows about it but the press). Guess I let the cat out of the bag - you've probably figured out who the "governor" is by now. __________________________ [*] At the time, Gen. Gorman headed Southern Command, covering Latin America from Panama. Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:19 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: more Mena info Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org For: All Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707) ................................................................... * Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201) * Area : POLITICS (POLITICS) * From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:44) * To : ALL * Subj : FYI ................................................................... Hello ALL! (4) Mon 31 Jul 95 8:06 Rcvd: Mon 31 Jul 12:57 By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2) To: greg waggy Re: John Crudele is BACK! (fwd) St: Pvt Kill Rcvd ----------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- Forwarded message ---------- To: uwsa@shell.portal.com, roc@xmission.com ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Financial reporter for the New York Post, John Crudele, has returned from a much deserved month-long vacation. He is now recharged and ready to take his Whitewater investigation to new heights. Here is his first article since arriving back, it appeared in todays (7/28/95) NY Post: BOMBSHELLS COMING OUT OF ARKANSAS WILL LIKELY HURT CLINTON by John Crudele At the same time that the Senate is wrestling with hostile witnesses over whether or not something was removed by somebody from presidential aide Vincent Foster's office after his death, testimony is being taken in Arkansas that could be much more devastating to Bill Clinton. Sworn depositions given the past few days in a lawsuit by a guy named Terry Reed against Raymond "Buddy" Young, a close friend of Clinton, have produced some bombshells that could severely damage the president's image and his re-election chances. Among the disclosures is one by a clerk for the intelligence unit of the Arkansas State Police's Criminal Investigation unit who testified that she was ordered in 1988 by superiors to shred documents related to a drug-and-gun running operation out of Mena, Ark. You've read about Mena here and elsewhere. In the early 1980s, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is said to have assembled guns in Arkansas for shipment to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. Cocaine was allegedly being smuggled into the U.S. on return flights. Reed said he was recruited into the gun running part of this operation. His book, titled "Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA," gives his view on what was going on in Mena. Officials in Arkansas have denied knowing about the operation. But the testimony of the clerk, whose name I am withholding, could puncture the notion that all of this went on under the noses of Arkansas officials without their knowledge. The clerk swore in testimony taken at the Arkansas Attorney General's office two days ago that as late as 1988 there were documents about Mena in the state police files. The papers--including one with the headline "Mena Illegal Activities," the subject of which was narcotics and arms shipments--were ordered shredded, the clerk said. Clinton was governor in 1988. Which raises the question: Could Clinton really have been unaware that something this controversial was going on if the state police--the guys who drove him around each day and with who he partied--had a file on Mena? The Post has also learned that testimony has been given in the case that says Clinton appeared not only to know about the gun running operation but also that cocaine was aboard return flights. Worse for the President's image--but probably less troubling legally-- may be the fact that a state trooper named L.D. Brown has said in sworn statements that then Governor Clinton, in early 1984, was invited to a party at his friend Dan Lasaster's house where cocaine was openly used. The trooper testified that he hustled Clinton out of the party when the trooper spotted a sterling silver dish that appeared to contain cocaine. But Clinton did not report the illegal activity. I spoke with the trooper yesterday by phone. In a recent article in the magazine American Spectator, Brown said he got involved in the Mena operation with the help of Bill Clinton, the man who Brown had been guarding. That article was largely ignored by the popular press [except the Wall Street Journal and Rush Limbaugh] because many people just didn't believe Brown. But during his testimony in the Terry Reed case this week, Brown says he produced documents that show he had been lured into the Mena operation. So what did Brown say in his deposition? Brown says he was recruited into the Mena operation with the help of his friend Bill Clinton. He was interviewed by a guy named McGruder and later got a call from Barry Seal, who is now dead but apparently was the leader of the Mena operation. Brown says his first trip with the Seal operation was on Oct. 24, 1984 aboard a C123 plane. They dropped some skids off the plane which, he was later told, contained M16 rifles. He said in the deposition that after the plane landed, four duffel bags were loaded on board. Brown said in his testimony--and in my phone interview--he expressed concern to Clinton. After the second flight, Dec. 24, Brown said he told Clinton that he had seen cocaine being loaded onto the homebound plane. "If there was any alarm it was that I had been shown the existence of the cocaine," Brown said in our phone talk yesterday. "I had been hoping to get a quick denial or a statement of disbelief." "Instead, he tried to calm me down by saying 'That's Lasater's deal.' Not only wasn't he denying it, but he knew," Brown said. For the record, Brown said he never saw Bill Clinton use cocaine. "I don't have any prrof he ever used drugs" is the way he put it to me. But here's the real kick in the butt to the White House. Brown has already spoken with Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr's people and the FBI a number of times. He also confirms that he has been before the grand jury looking into all this stuff. Brown won't say what he told the grand jury or investigators except that the conversations were "about everything." Last Monday, I spent one of the last days of my vacation in Arkansas. Let me tell you, there is a lot more to come! END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST - 7/28/95 So Long, Greg ................................................................... Glenda Stocks Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:21 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Fostergate review Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org For: All Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707) ................................................................... * Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201) * Area : POLITICS (POLITICS) * From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:52) * To : ALL * Subj : FYI ................................................................... Hello ALL! (1) 21 Aug 95 19:16:02 Rcvd: Mon 21 Aug 23:12 By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2) To: greg waggy Re: Re: part 18: vince foster and the $286,000 (fwd) St: Pvt Lock Rcvd ----------------------------------------------------------------- FYI Kathy called and says much of this is verifyable. Don't know if you have it but if not, you should. Regards, Nick P.S. Definetly.......pass it on! ---------- Forwarded message ---------- To: Nick Ivanovich On Sun, 20 Aug 1995, Nick Ivanovich wrote: > Brad, > > > Do you have the Grabe post on Hillary from Fri Aug. 18th. I would > appreciate your forwarding it if you so. Kathy Watkins had a lot to say > about it. > Thanks for your effort. > > > Nick Ivnaovich > >From KALLISTE@delphi.comFri Aug 18 17:14:40 1995 To: bdolan@use.usit.net -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying, Part XIX by J. Orlin Grabbe The triangular trade in early American history involved slaves picked up from the African coast, transported to the Caribbean to be exchanged for sugar, and the sugar then transported to the American colonies to be exchanged for rum. The triangular trade in modern times involves the exchange of some third world raw material (oil, gold) or agricultural product derivative (coca processed into cocaine, or opium processed into heroin), for first world armaments and high technology, facilitated by cash or a cash-like intermediary which is laundered through banking or financial institutions. Does the current Whitewater investigation simply involve a turf war, a battle for market share, in the modern triangular trade? Does one component of this war consist of a feud between families, reminiscent of the Hatfields and the McCoys? Think of the parallels between Arkansas and Pittsburgh. A. Bill Clinton, with the financial backing of Don Lasater and Jackson Stephens, ran Little Rock like a Mafia don. B. Richard Scaife, using his own fortune, runs Pittsburgh like a Mafia don. A. The friends of Bill Clinton were involved in supplying weapons to the Contras. B. The friends of Richard Scaife were involved in supplying weapons and nuclear-related technology to Iraq. A. Many of the Arkansas companies involved were represented by the Rose law firm. B. Many of Iraq's nuclear suppliers are represented by the law firm of Buchanan Ingersoll P.C. A. The Arkansas money was laundered through Don Lasater's bond business, Jackson Stephens' Worthen bank, and the ADFA. B. The Pittsburgh money was laundered through Mellon Bank. A. Faced with media exposure, the Little-Rock based Systematics (Alltel Information Services), a supplier of banking software, hires a New York detective firm named Proust and Killman to monitor its critics. Proust is said to have been sacked by Richard Helms as a CIA renegade. B. Faced with media exposure, the Pittsburgh-based Mellon Bank, scheduled to face a RICO-suit for money laundering on August 28, hires a New York detective firm named Proust and Killman to monitor its critics. Proust is said to have been sacked by Richard Helms as a CIA renegade. A. Vince Foster was a behind-the-scenes manager of a Systematics- related money-laundering project. According to a confidential report, "When considered in comparison to BCCI in its original conceptual intent, Systematics is several steps ahead of the capability of Financial General, BCCI, BNL's grey book operations and any of the CASA de Cambios that are currently servicing the lesser needs of the covert/illegal money trades domestically and internationally. To state this very simply, don't own the bank or the financial institution that has to maintain its accounta- bility under regulatory scrutiny--own the computers, financial software and employees which operate the back office for the banks and financial institutions." B. Vince Foster, at the time of his death, was in possession of nuclear-weapons related materials. He had his executive assistant, Deborah Gorham, place in Bernard Nussbaum's safe two notebooks from the National Security Agency. One of these was blue, indicating nuclear-related secrets. NSA's responsibilities include communications security for strategic weapons systems such as the Minuteman missile so as to prevent unauthorized intrusion, interference, or jamming, and responsibility for developing the codes by which the President must identify himself in order to authorize a nuclear strike. According to Anthony Kimery, in an article entitled *Fostergate Continued*, scheduled to appear in the September issue of *Media Bypass Magazine*, on the day of his death Vince Foster left the White House around 1:00 p.m., "to meet a man employed by a company involved in construction of signals intelligence collection facilities for the National Security Agency (NSA) . . . Allegedly under investigation by the FBI for contract fraud, the firm's Little Rock office was where the tag to the vehicle driven by the man was registered." A. Hillary Clinton, while one of the chief litigators of the Rose law firm and wife of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, was a director of Wal-Mart, said to have been utilized in the Little Rock money-laundering operation. B. Hillary Clinton, while one of the chief litigators of the Rose law firm and wife of Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, was a director of Lafarge corporation, whose Marblehead, Ohio subsidiary Standard Lafarge is said to have been utilized in the transport network to ferret machine tools and nose cones out of Pittsburgh and into Canada for shipment to Iraq. A. The friends of Bill Clinton profited from the cash laundry of the Bush-Casey linked CIA drugs-for-arms deals (reportedly 10% of the profits of the laundry), then had a falling out, the bad news delivered by William P. Barr. This meeting took place at Camp Robinson, an army facility outside Little Rock, according to Terry Reed, a CIA subcontractor. Also present besides Reed were Gov. Bill Clinton; Raymond Young, Clinton's Chief of Security; Bob Nash, a Clinton aide; Oliver North, in charge of supplying arms to the Contras; and Felix Rodriquez, the CIA-appointed head of a related operation in Mexico; Akihide Sawahata, the resident CIA agent. The meeting was run by William P. Barr, Chief Counsel for the CIA airline Southern Air Transport, who was representing CIA Director Bill Casey. (Barr later served as Attorney General under George Bush.) In Reed's account, Barr said to Clinton: "The deal we [the CIA] made was to launder our money through your bond business." But Clinton, Barr said, had been getting greedy. "Our deal was for you to have 10 percent of the profit, not 10 percent of the gross . . . This has turned into a feeding frenzy by your good ole boy sharks, and you've had a hand in it too, Mr. Clinton. Just ask your Mr. Nash to produce a business card. I'll bet it reads Arkansas Development and Finance Authority . . . This ADFA of yours is double-dipping. Our deal with you was to launder our money. You got 10 per cent after costs . . . No one agreed for you to start loaning our money out to your friends through your ADFA so that they could buy machinery to build our guns. That wasn't the deal . . . Dammit, *we* bought a whole gun company, lock, stock and barrel and shipped the whole thing down here for you. And Mr. Reed even help set it up. You people go and screw us by setting up some subcontractors that weren't even authorized by us. Shit, people who didn't even have security clearances. That's why we're pulling the operation out of Arkansas. It's become a liability for us. *We don't need live liabilities*." (Terry Reed & John Cummings, *Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA*, Shapolsky Publishers, 1994). The Arkansas operation was subsequently transferred to Mexico under the code name *Screw Worm*. B. The friends of Richard Scaife profited from the Bush build-up of Iraq. Involved are Mellon-related companies Kennametal and Westinghouse. Did Bush similarly have a falling out with Scaife? At least in one recent court case we find William P. Barr representing the Republic of the Phillipines against Westinghouse Electric Corporation. (United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, No. 93-5672, involving the Republic of the Phillipines and the National Power Corporation, appellants, versus Westinghouse Electric Corporation, Westinghouse International Projects Company, and Burns and Roe Enterprises, Inc., appellees; the attorneys for the appellants were William P. Barr and David J. Cynamon of Shaw, Pittman, Potts & Trowbridge.) A-B. Sheila Anthony, sister of Vince Foster, effects a wire transfer of $286,000 from Mellon Bank to her sister-in-law Lisa Foster, four days before Vince Foster meets his death. A-B. Sheila Anthony, Bill Clinton's Assistant Attorney General for Legislative Affairs, shows up mysteriously at House Judiciary meetings that discuss Iraqgate. Finally, consider the case of Jim Norman, Senior editor at *Forbes* whose article *Fostergate*, about the Vince Foster case, was killed by Steve Forbes, through the influence of Caspar Weinberger, Publisher Emeritus, whose ex-company Bechtel Corporation got the contract to build the PC2 petrochemical complex south of Baghdad, which is the center of Iraq's chemical weapons program. Jim Norman kept his job, however, and was permitted to publish the article elsewhere. It appeared in the August 1995 issue of *Media Bypass Magazine*. Caspar Weinberger is one thing. Messing with Mellon Bank is another. Jim Norman now faces the Hobbesian choice of losing his job or taking a leave of absence (with no return guarantees). His sins? He sent a letter to Mellon Bank and a memo to his editor Jim Michaels. First the letter to Mellon Bank. ### "12 August 1995 "Margaret Kirsch Cohen "Media Relations "Mellon Bank "Dear Margaret: "It has been brought to my attention that on July 16, 1993, four days before the death of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster, his sister and Justice Dept. Assistant U.S. Attorney, Sheila Anthony, effected a wire transfer from a branch or affiliate of Mellon Bank in the amount of $286,000 'and change' to her sister-in-law, Lisa (Elizabeth Braden) Foster. "I would like to request the following information. "From what account were these funds paid? If these funds came from Ms. Anthony's own account, when and from where did they originate? Who had signatory authority over these accounts? Was a trust account involved? If so, who are the beneficiaries and who is the trust officer? Who at Mellon Bank authorized this transfer? . . . "Thank you for your prompt response, by letter and fax to 212-620-1873. "Respectfully yours, "James R. Norman "Senior Editor "cc: Rep. James Leach Chairman, House Banking Committee Rep. William F. Clinger, Chairman, House Oversight Committee Rep. Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House James Hamilton, attorney" ### This letter is said to have generated numerous phone calls to Steve Forbes. Now the memo, which lead to the choice of unemployment or an unpaid leave of absence. ### "16 August 1995 "to: Jim Michaels "from: Jim Norman "Jim: ". . . I feel like I should update you on some developments that are steadily corroborating key elements of the [Vince Foster] story. Indeed, since the article has run in a little magazine called Media Bypass, the story has taken on 'legs' and is about to get significant attention. I'd still urge Forbes to take advantage of its lead and print the story. Here's why: "1.) Since Forbes decision not to print Fostergate, solid evidence has emerged from credit card and airline frequent flier records that VWF was making periodic one-day trips to Switzerland. This has been reported in the London Sunday Telegraph. "2.) A staffer on Jim Leach's House Banking Committee has confirmed, on tape, that VWF had a Swiss bank account. "3.) Foster's former executive assistant, Deborah Gorham, has testified under oath in a private deposition that Foster had her put two inch-thick NSA binders in Bernie Nussbaum's safe. This establishes beyond a doubt that Foster had access to sensitive NSA documents. In fact, my sources say one of the binders contained presidential authentication codes required to authorize the use of nuclear weapons or other significant military action. A copy of her sworn statement is attached. Foster was not on the routing list for such sensitive documents, did not have a high enough security clearance for them, and must have gotten them from someone in or close to the oval office. "4.) Gorham has also told investigators for Kenneth Starr that on the day before he died, Foster received a document related to Systematics. That document disappeared from his office after his death. This is from a very credible source close to Starr's investigation, corroborated by other sources. "5.) Systematics was clearly part of a massive illicit money laundering operation, according to a report being prepared for Leach's committee (A copy of the preliminary introduction is attached) "6.) Although Systematics attempted to prevent the publication of Fostergate in Media Bypass, the company (Alltel) has not even bothered to demand a retraction of anything published in the story. Indeed, I have been told by at least four sources that senior officials of the company are now hiring criminal legal defense attorneys, and that Alltel itself is quietly up for sale. The WSJ has offered to help pick up Media Bypass' legal tab if they are sued (which is unlikely). "7.) Rep. Bob Dornan, head of the House Intelligence Committee, says he plans to read Fostergate into the congressional record. I'm doing 2-3 hours a night of talk-radio interviews. This stuff is hot on the Internet. "8.) If you have any doubts about the ability of the CIA's Fifth Column to raid foreign bank accounts and withdraw funds, just ask Caspar Weinberger. Having obtained an encrypted code (KPFBMMBODB) for an unknown Swiss account, I gave it to [name omitted], who either gave it to one of his colleagues or personally decrypted the number and hacked his way into the account at Union Bank of Switzerland in Berne. They removed $2.3 million, and then left a note with the decrypted account number in the account holder's mailbox in Maine. It was Cap's. The total take from his various Swiss accounts, I'm told is in 'eight digits.' "The source of this account number was the trunk of arms/drug smuggler Barry Seal's car. A copy of documents from a suitcase in that trunk is attached. The clear implication is that Caspar Weinberger, while Sec. of Defense, was taking kickbacks on drug and arms sales. "A co-signatory on this account appears to be connected with (a relative of) Howard Metzenbaum, the retired senator from Ohio. We are talking about by-partisan payola. Which helps explain why Congress is so squeamish about investigating this stuff. "HOWEVER: Newt Gingrich has now ordered Rep. Clinger, head of the House oversight committee, to conduct hearings into the death of Vince Foster. Gingrich has publicly stated that to believe Foster died of a simple suicide as officially stated requires 'gullibility to the point of stupidity.' . . . "Pouring gasoline on this fire is the revelation over the past weekend that Lisa Foster, Vince's wife, received a mysterious $286,000-plus payment, which came through Foster's sister Sheila Anthony, an Assistant Attorney General at the time, just four days before Foster's death. This clearly smacks of a hush-money payment. And apparently Foster wouldn't take the bait, despite being forced into a tight financial bind from the loss of his Swiss funds and probably from picking up the tab on all sorts of incidental Clinton campaign expenses. Faced with the likelihood he would be the fall guy for Hillary's sale of high-level nuclear code secrets to the Israelis (through Foster), he apparently threatened to dump the whole mess in Bill Clinton's lap at a one-on-one meeting set for Wednesday morning, July 21, 1993. But Foster never lived that long. . . . "Jim, we are sitting on the most important story of the past 50 years. And one way or another, it's going to come out in a massive way. I wish Forbes would stand up and do its journalistic duty, no matter what bogus claims of national security may be invoked. This is corruption of the highest order. "I have read in the Baltimore Sun that your official explanation for not running the story was concern over some of my sources. That was a legitimate concern in the early stages of this effort, and I shared that concern. But as time has passed and corroboration mounts, you cannot continue to use that excuse. As I said when I first delivered this story: Forbes has become a little bit pregnant. Either it is going to birth this troublesome baby or it is going to have one hellovan abortion on its hands. The questions as to why Forbes has refused to run this story are going to mount and mount, and I have no effective answer. It is getting harder and harder to bite my tongue and refrain from disclosing the real reason this story was killed, as revealed by a certain high level official with the company: that it was Cap's doing. Frankly, it is the only plausible reason I've heard so far, and a disheartening one. This enterprise has come face-to-face with a crucial ethical problem. How it handles it will reflect for a long time not just on Forbes Magazine, but also on the man whose name is on the cover. "I sincerely urge you to reconsider and to do what is right. "Jim Norman x215" ### In conclusion, I have just one question for Mr. Jim Michaels: Mr. Michaels: Do you really think burying this story does credit to a former member of Wild Bill Donovan's Office of Strategic Services (OSS)? I think you have one hell of an abortion on your hands. -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: 2.6.2 iQCVAwUBMDTdbmX1Kn9BepeVAQHu5QQAiw4AAY0pZt3S+3TB4PkqbB1s7RYeJEZe ec3XM3LFsP7jJkWeosQsETB2KDDLEIne4QTIXkm0OELE2MBcU24gFiEm6cn4dtin xDjk8PyN71iYTSZ+q4CknWNNeSiFUqSwIqSck9+VLl23UpwrOl+vyAFigJTH//ro wEJQAASYRuk= =OD7r -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- Apparently-to: Greg.Waggy@707.gigo.com X-Delivered-From: calweb.calweb.com X-Received-By OS/2 SMTP Daemon v0.1a/gigo Received: gigo.com Mon Aug 21 19:32:40 1995 Received: from vulcan.inlink.com by calweb.calweb.com via ESMTP (8.6.12/940406.SGI.AUTO) for id TAA29293; Mon, 21 Aug 1995 19:38:05 -0700 Received: (from nssc@localhost) by vulcan.inlink.com (inlink.com/V8) id VAA25838; Mon, 21 Aug 1995 21:16:02 -0500 To: forward -- Greg Waggy , Helen Mawn , Pat Owens , Terry Nielson <73513.2641@compuserve.com> Message-Id: Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII So Long, Greg ................................................................... Glenda Stocks Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:27 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: yet more on Mena Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org For: All Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707) ................................................................... * Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201) * Area : POLITICS (POLITICS) * From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:47) * To : ALL * Subj : FYI ................................................................... Hello ALL! (3) Fri 4 Aug 95 10:57 Rcvd: Fri 4 Aug 23:12 By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2) To: greg waggy Re: More Insight Into Fostergate (fwd) St: Pvt Kill Rcvd ----------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- Forwarded message ---------- To: uwsa@shell.portal.com ---------- Forwarded message ---------- ***MORE INSIGHT INTO FOSTERGATE*** =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D= =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D "Starr Investigation Targets Law-Enforcement Complicity" By Jamie Dettmer and Paul M. Rodriguez INSIGHT magazine: May 29 1995 An ongoing money-laundering probe, led by independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr, is churning up details of possible state and law-enforcement ties to criminal misconduct in Arkansas. In the late 1980s during the swirl of Iran-Contra allegations about narcotics trafficking and weapons shipments, senior officer in the Arkansas State Police began a methodical operation to destroy sensitive documents linking some of the state's most prominent political and business figures to illegal activities - spin-offs from Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North's cover arms for hostages deals. Arkansas connection to Iran-Contra were, at the time, obscured nationally. Attention was riveted on Washington, Ronald Reagan and North's manic shredding of files detailing the "enterprise" that provided arms for the release of American hostages in the Middle East and guns for the Nicaraguan Contras. Arkansas seemed a long way from the action in the nation's capital. Until Bill Clinton ran for president, an Arkansas dimension to Iran- Contra remained ignored by mainstream news organizations and federal officials. Now though, what in the 1980s has moved to center stage. It's not just shady land deals surfacing, but widespread wrongdoing by the state politico-business establishment that behaved as though it was above the law - and with the help of police officers, was allowed to be. The conspiracy theorist, of course, have run riot and attempted to pin all the blame for misdeeds in Arkansas on Clinton. But what slowly is unfolding is a far more complicated story of negligence, opportunism and rank exploitation by a one-party political system that bent the rules and turned a blind eye to alleged criminal activity when it was carried out by some of its own. Enter KWS. As the independent counsel pursues the money trail of Clinton and his wife, Hillary, in a land deal called Whitewater, the inner workings of Arkansas government and law enforcement are coming under the spotlight. What KWS is finding, according to a former senior federal official familiar with the probe, is a good-ole-boy network of "corruption and obstruction" in a state seemingly awash in narcotics money - some almost certainly of Iran-Contra origin and some from more home-grown enterprises. INSIGHT now has learned that Starr's team of more than 125 FBI and IRS agents and U.S. attorneys are investigating what appears, on the surface, to be unrelated aspects of the Whitewater deal. His investigators are delving heavily into Arkansas narcotics and homicide cases, some of which have remained unsolved for years. And what is being uncovered, according to federal and state officials who agreed to be interviewed, is layer upon layer of complicity by state and local law-enforcement agencies and a maze of allegations that has investigators widening their inquiries at every turn. One of the most startling discoveries so far is an extensive and regular pattern of document shredding in the late 1980s on the orders of senior state police officials. According to law-enforcement sources in Little Rock, the shredded documents were federal and state intelligence records and police investigators' files on prominent Arkansans. Some, such as businessman Dan Lasater, were significant contributors to Clinton's gubernatorial campaigns. Also shredded was material on the murky drug- rdrug-running and arms-smuggling operation based at the Mena Intermountain Regional Airport (see INSIGHT, Jan. 30, 1995). The shredding, which was conducted in a tiny office in the office in the state police headquarters, was furtive and known only by a handful of officers at the highest levels in the Arkansas State Police - that is, until Starr's investigators recently received a tip. A state law- enforcement source, who spoke to INSIGHT on the condition of anonymity, says: "I was startled by what was going into the shredder. There were Lasater files and Mena files" as well as files on other businessmen with close ties to Clinton personally. The destruction of documents was at its most intense in 1988 and 1989. Col. Tommy Goodwin, former Arkansas State Police commander, says, "I am not aware of any documents that were shredded." Former state troopers, who in the 1980s attempted to investigate prominent Arkansas allegedly involved in the cocaine parties and drug sales, are not surprised by the disclosures of the shredding. Julius "Doc" Delaughter claims he resigned from the state police in 1988 after his superiors blocked the mounting of certain inquiries. He recalls how documents concerning other cases, such as the Lasater investigation, would turn up missing. "A deposition I took from a friend of Lasater was stolen off my desk and was never seen again," says Delaughter. The deposition Delaughter says he secured could have proved embarrassing for then-Gov. Clinton if it had been leaked. It dealt with a cocaine party allegedly organized by Lasater in Hot Springs, Ark., hotel suite. The party hastily ended with the arrival of Clinton, who was scheduled to meet with Lasater. Lasater subsequently was convicted of cocaine distribution and sentenced to prison. In another case, a state police captain was apparently so concerned by the regular destruction of potentially embarrassing material that he maintained for safekeeping a copy of a lengthy memorandum revealing that a Mena-based drug-running suspect was allowed to consult investigators' telephone records with the knowledge of Goodwin, who retired last June. According to the memo, a copy of which INSIGHT has obtained, the suspect a former state narcotics officer, learned from his search of the phone logs that state trooper were cooperating with the FBI agents on a probe of Barry Seal, a notorious, confessed drug trafficker who claimed, before his assassination in 1986 at the hands of Colombian hit men, to have been part of North's Iran-Contra operations. The 10-page memo provides a revealing look into the close-knit world of Arkansas law enforcement. Written on Jan. 9, 1987, by Lt. Doug Williams (now a captain), the memo, which was sent to his superior officer, Capt. Doug Stevens, related how the suspect requested help in learning the nature of the investigations being mounted at Mena airport and into himself and his associates. The suspect complained to Williams that the "local sheriff's office had started watching the airport." He mentioned he had visited a senior state police officer, Maj. Richard Rail, "which he did often," and that they had talked about how investigators charged long-distance calls to state credit cards. According to the Williams memo: "He =9Bthe suspect| stated that he took most of the day at the capitol building checking these =9Btelephone| records and that the gentleman that was helping him there told him he could not copy these records; however, he could sit down with the records and make hand notes from them and that Colonel Goodwin had been advised of his being there and periodically checked back to see if he was still there and each time the colonel checked back, the man would walk in and say Mr. Goodwin just called back to see if you were still here and how you were doing." Rules governing public access to state police phone records and credit cards should have restrained the suspect. According to Wayne Jordan, a spokesman for the Arkansas State Police, records connected with active intelligence operations and ongoing probes are strictly off-limits. Only when cases are closed, according to Jordan, are records available for public inspection; then any inspection requires a Freedom of Information Act request and approval by the head of the Arkansas State Police. The complex events surrounding Mena-the clandestine flights of guns and drugs in the dead of night; the peculiar stifling of local investigations as well as probes mounted by federal agencies, including the IRS; and evidence of serious money laundering in the town's banks- have been dismissed over the years as having little to do with Reagan's anti-Sandinista effort and even less to do with Clinton. But Starr's investigators seem to be convinced, based on their questions to witnesses and requests for documents, that the flow of drug profits and the alleged diversion of that money into businesses in Arkansas and even into Clinton's campaign finances warrant major investigation. In his bid to trace donations to the then governor's election coffers, the independent counsel's FBI agents have reviewed thousands of pages of case files connected to suspected narcotics operations and money laundering by reputed criminals in Arkansas and surrounding jurisdictions. Starr's investigators also begun question the Mena pilots responsible for air-dropping sturdy duffel bags full of Central American cocaine and cash at pre-arranged sites in Arkansas. "The Feds are primarily interested in money-laundering activities," says Joe Evans, one of the pilots interrogated recently. "The questioning had to do with where the money was coming from, where the money was going. They asked me from which banks in the U.S. or internationally the money originated. They asked me how frequent were the flights and how large were the shipments." During the interview with Evans, Starr's investigators also were interested in a mysterious and as-yet-unsolved double homicide near Little Rock in 1987 that has been the subject of considerable local controversy. Again, it is money laundering that seems to be foremost in the minds of Starr's investigators as they review the cold-case files concerning the murders of teenagers Don Henry and Kevin Ives, who were found stabbed and bludgeoned on railroad tracks along the Pulaski-Saline county line on the outskirts of Little Rock. INSIGHT has learned that the double homicide also is the subject of a separate FBI investigation and that a grand jury has been impaneled in Little Rock to take testimony in the case. The targets of that investigation, according to sources, are a handful of suspected drug dealers from northwest Arkansas, a Little Rock prosecutor and several former members of the sheriff's departments in Pulaski and Saline counties. Two of the alleged drug dealers under suspicion in the murders were mentioned regularly in Arkansas State Police intelligence files, copies of which INSIGHT has obtained, contain raw and unsubstantiated allegations about wrongdoing by a number of prominent businessmen in Arkansas. There have been many theories put forth to explain the murders of Henry and Ives. A persistent one argues that the teenagers stumbled upon a Mena narcotics drop site shortly before drugs were due to be unloaded. This theory appears to have caught the attention of Starr's team. Mena pilots have been asked about a drop site code-named "A-12" by the smugglers. They also have been asked about "Flight 50" -all Mena flights were numbered - which coincided with the date and time of the boys' deaths. Starr's investigators have interviewed several convicted drug offenders in Arkansas prisons who are believed to be connected to the homicides of Henry and Ives. Current and former members of Congress and law-enforcement officers who have looked into the Mena drug and money-laundering operations long have suspected that there was -and continues to be - complicity by people at both the state and federal levels to keep a lid on the events in Arkansas during the 1980s and early 1990s. They believe that what began under the guise of national security involving Iran-Contra blossomed into an extensive, tangled conspiracy to hide the links between Mena and nonfederal corruption through out the region. "Starr should be investigating the Arkansas police," says a former high ranking federal official who worked behind the scenes to put together pieces of the Mena puzzle. "What is coming to light now is that there was a broad-based conspiracy to hide the truth about corruption at the highest levels of Arkansas and at the Justice Department, and it is still ongoing." "This is about money, pure and simple," adds a federal law-enforcement official familiar with Mena, the drug conspiracies and the latest turns in the Starr inquiry. "I could never understand why no one went down this path before," says Bill Duncan, a former IRS agent and congressional investigator who for three years tried to secure indictments in connection with Mena drug smuggling. In a confidential memorandum to House Judiciary subcommittee on crime dated Oct. 8, 1991, Duncan wrote: "On this date I received a telephone call from Paul Whitmore concerning a conversation which he had just overheard at the El Paso Intelligence Center. Whitmore related that, just minutes ago, he heard the Central Intelligence Agency EPIC Resident Agent tell the U.S. Customs EPIC Resident Agent that the CIA still has ongoing operations out of the Mena, Ark., Airport, but that 'some other guys' are still operating out of the airport also, and that one of the operations at the airport is laundering money." Whitmore was the IRS agent stationed at EPIC, formally called the El Paso Intelligence agencies. Duncan's memo concluded: "The CIA agent then told the Customs Agent that if the laundering of cash was a par of Customs Operations, he wasn't going to worry about it. According to Whitmore, they also discussed checking the registration of various aircraft which are currently at the Mena, Ark., Airport." For Duncan, the memo is just one more piece of evidence pointing to "a bizarre mixture of drug smuggling, gun running and money laundering." =9BThree photos accompany the article. 1. Photo of Goodwin. 2. Photo of a C-123 cargo plane at Mena. 3. Photos of Henry and Ives. INSIGHT is a weekly news magazine published by Washington Times Corp Apparently-to: Greg.Waggy@707.gigo.com X-Delivered-From: vulcan.inlink.com X-Received-By OS/2 SMTP Daemon v0.1a/gigo Received: gigo.com Fri Aug 04 11:04:06 1995 Received: (from nssc@localhost) by vulcan.inlink.com (inlink.com/V8) id MAA04040; Fri, 4 Aug 1995 12:57:46 -0500 To: forward -- Greg Waggy , Helen Mawn , Pat Owens , Terry Nielson <73513.2641@compuserve.com> Message-Id: Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Content-Transfer-Encoding: QUOTED-PRINTABLE So Long, Greg ................................................................... Glenda Stocks Date: Mon Sep 04, 1995 10:29 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Wall Street Journal Mena article Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f707.n203.z1.fidonet.org For: All Org: FREEDOM USA BBS! greg.waggy@707.gigo.com **VOTE!** (1:203/707) ................................................................... * Forwarded by Glenda Stocks (1:330/201) * Area : POLITICS (POLITICS) * From : Greg Waggy, 1:203/707 (01 Sep 95 22:43) * To : ALL * Subj : FYI ................................................................... Hello ALL! (1) Mon 31 Jul 95 7:44 Rcvd: Mon 31 Jul 12:57 By: nssc@inlink.com, Net 203 Gateway (203/2) To: greg waggy Re: Re: WSJ - INVESTIGATE MENA! (fwd) St: Pvt Kill Rcvd ----------------------------------------------------------------- FYI ---------- Forwarded message ---------- To: uwsa@shell.portal.com, roc@xmission.com ---------- Forwarded message ---------- The Wall Street Journal - perhaps the most respected and credible source of information in the country - ran a lead editorial about the purported drug smuggling and money laundering that went on in Mena, Arkansas. The WSJ had run several Mena stories in the past, but this is the strongest piece yet. [Editorial text below.] Over the past year and a half, I have been asked many times by people the following question: "Ken, why do you spend so much time and energy writing about this subject? Aren't these allegation ridiculous and just an attempt to discredit the president? I tell them that I couldn't care less whether this affects Bill Clinton or George Bush - or both of them. I just want the truth to come out and if the government was smuggling drugs into this country, I want people to go to jail. If Clinton's not directly involved, fine, find out who was and nail them to the wall. The thought of the government (CIA) being involved with drug smuggling makes me sick. These drugs are ruining the lives of Americans. If the government is involved in any way, it's tantamount to waging war on its own citizens. There is a huge article coming out in the next American Spectator about Mena. I will get it online as soon as possible. Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal has just run this explosive piece. Even Rush Limbaugh has picked up the ball on Mena - he spent nearly 15 minutes on it today. Let's make a lot of noise out there and ensure that the activities at Mena are looked into. Here's the full article that appeared in todays Wall Street Journal (7/10/95). INVESTIGATE MENA For more than a year we have been reporting on the mysteries of tiny Mena airfield in western Arkansas. The clouded tale of drug smugglers and spy operations in the 1980s is a potential embarrassment to the Democratic governor who ran the state and the Republicans who ran the White House. But the big story here is not primarily about who did what 10 years ago. It's about a very 1990s concern: drugs. How has our system broken down so that illegal drugs can be moved into this country on such a large scale? This week, the American Spectator magazine adds another piece to the Mena puzzle with a story about Arkansas State Trooper L.D. Brown written by Spectator editor R. Emmitt Tyrrell. Now, the account's weakness and strength are one and the same - L.D. Brown himself. Its weakness is that it is a single-source account; its strength is that L.D. Brown is an important source. A potentially key player in the Whitewater saga, Mr. Brown corroborates part of David Hale's claim that Mr. Clinton put pressure on him for financial help. Mr. Brown now says that while working on then-Gov. Clinton's security detail, he applied to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), with the governor's support. Following CIA testing and an exchange of letters - supplied to Mr. Tyrrell by Mr. Brown - the state trooper claims he was contacted by Mena drug smuggler Barry Seal. Soon after, he was on two Central American flights from Mena airport aboard Mr. Seal's C-123K, running guns to the Contras. Mr. Brown, a former narcotics officer, says that when Mr. Seal showed him some cash and cocaine shipments, he quit [similar to what Terry Reed had done]. When he confronted Gov. Clinton about the drugs and money, Mr. Brown allegedly was told not to worry about it. "That's (Dan) Lasater's deal," Mr. Brown claims Gov. Clinton told him. To be sure, Dan Lasater is a colorful figure. He ran a free-wheeling bond house in Little Rock, and was a friend and campaign supporter to Bill Clinton. In 1986, in a case that also involved Mr. Clinton's brother, Roger, Mr. Lasater pleaded guilty to a cocaine distribution charge and went off to prison for a brief stay. The federal prosecutor who handled the case was George Proctor, a Carter-era appointee who now heads the Justice Department's Office of International Affairs; Mr. Proctor's office has authority over aspects of another of our longstanding concerns, BCCI. One of Mr. Proctor's predecessors at OIA, Michael Abbell, was in the news recently when he was indicted on racketeering charges in connection with the Cali drug cartel. [Wonderful group of people!] Our own reporting about Mena points more toward Washington than Arkansas. We want to know what the federal government knew about drugs and money flowing through the area. Our Micah Morrison has painstakingly separated fact from fiction regarding Mena and Barry Seal's involvement with the CIA, the Contras and cocaine traffic. Mr Seal, a sometime informant for the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), smuggled several billion dollars' worth of drugs into the country. In our October 18 story "The Mena Coverup," we detailed the short-circuiting of nine separate state and federal probes into Mena. Reliable sources in the intelligence community now tell us that in the years after Mr. Seal's death (he was assassinated near New Orleans around 1986), some activities continued around Mena: an AWACs-Patriot system was tested, CIA contract planes were repainted, and the area was included in a counterterror exercise run out of nearby Fort Chaffee. But the heart of Mena, we suspect, is narcotics, and on this aspect answers are lacking. Drugs? Arkansas officials wave off the question, saying Mena was a federal responsibility. The CIA blames a "rogue DEA operation;" the DEA isn't talking; the FBI says "no comment." The betting around here is that L.D. Brown and others in the Arkansas State Police know a lot more on the matter - including what the feds were up to - than they are letting on. State police officers are starting to show up all over the Mena story. While we discount some of the more extreme speculations in self-proclaimed Terry Reed's book about Mena, "Compromised," it's important to note that Mr. Reed is making headway in Little Rock with his lawsuit against former state troopers Tommy Baker and Buddy Young; Mr. Young also served for a time as Gov. Clinton's security chief. Mr. Reed's lawyers have deposed several state troopers in connection with the case, Mr. Tyrrell says. Last year "CBS Evening News" reported that a top Arkansas State Police official played a role in derailing an early effort to advance the Mena probe. Despite some reports to the contrary, we see no indication that Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr is investigating Mena or Mr. Lasater. Mr. Starr appears to be sticking close to his mandate to examine matters arising from Madison, the Whitewater Development Co., or Mr. Hale's Capital Management Services. Yet Mena cries out for investigation. A congressional committee with resources, subpoena power, and the perseverance displayed by some past chairmen should look into this. If some chips fall on the Republican side, so be it. Important questions need to be answered. Was Mena simply a remote outpost of the Cold War? Or was it a major tran-shipment point for drugs and money laundering? To what degree were government officials involved? Where did all the cocaine and cash involved in the Barry Seal operation go? Were Arkansas financial institutions involved in laundering drug money? Again, how Mena worked is of some present moment as the U.S. continues to wrestle with illegal drugs - their use apparently on the increase again among teenagers - and the attendant corruption. Mena may provide a window into one of the big sources of this problem. END OF WALL STREET JOURNAL LEAD EDITORIAL (7/10/95) Posted to the Internet by Ken Cook 7/10/95 Apparently-to: Greg.Waggy@707.gigo.com X-Delivered-From: vulcan.inlink.com X-Received-By OS/2 SMTP Daemon v0.1a/gigo Received: gigo.com Mon Jul 31 07:51:18 1995 Received: (from nssc@localhost) by vulcan.inlink.com (inlink.com/V8) id JAA09742; Mon, 31 Jul 1995 09:44:45 -0500 To: Greg Waggy Message-Id: Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII So Long, Greg ................................................................... Glenda Stocks Date: Wed Sep 06, 1995 7:36 pm CST From: Martin Anderson EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: anderso1@ix.netcom.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Fwd: WSJ re: BCCI, Mena, & Whitewater From uwsa@shell.portal.com, a moderated Perot newsgroup. Martin ---- Begin Forwarded Message Return-Path: Received: from nova.unix.portal.com by ix4.ix.netcom.com (8.6.12/SMI-4.1/Netcom) id RAA28517; Wed, 6 Sep 1995 17:45:09 -0700 From: Barbara55@aol.com Received: from jobe.shell.portal.com (jobe.shell.portal.com [156.151.3.4]) by nova.unix.portal.com (8.6.11/8.6.5) with ESMTP id RAA20530; Wed, 6 Sep 1995 17:46:19 -0700 Received: from nova.unix.portal.com (nova.unix.portal.com [156.151.1.101]) by jobe.shell.portal.com (8.6.11/8.6.5) with ESMTP id RAA24052 for ; Wed, 6 Sep 1995 17:44:02 -0700 Received: from mail06.mail.aol.com (mail06.mail.aol.com [152.163.172.108]) by nova.unix.portal.com (8.6.11/8.6.5) with ESMTP id QAA14963 for ; Wed, 6 Sep 1995 16:55:54 -0700 Received: by mail06.mail.aol.com (8.6.12/8.6.12) id TAA16801 for uwsa@shell.portal.com; Wed, 6 Sep 1995 19:56:20 -0400 Date: Wed, 6 Sep 1995 19:56:20 -0400 Message-ID: <950906195617_12675225@mail06.mail.aol.com> To: uwsa@shell.portal.com Subject: WSJ re: BCCI, Mena, & Whitewater I was happy to see that BCCI wasn't forgotten altogether by the media. The drug cartels have invaded our government and our banks. Will our congressmen be brave enough to have a full investigation of Mena, Whitewater and BCCI? ___________________________________ Wall Street Journal Sept. 5, 1995 REVIEW & OUTLOOK page A14 BCCI Opening Because nearly everyone else has forgotten, we always have to apologize for our continued interest in the Bank of Credit & Commerce International--instead of more contemporary scandals such as Bob Packwood's boorishness or Newt Gingrich's book deal. All that BCCI represents, after all, is the prototypical 21st century criminal enterprise. A stateless entity, it ripped off depositors worldwide of $10 Billion, laundered money, corrupted governments, and consorted with terrorists and drug dealers. In the U.S., BCCI crooks somehow managed to acquire the biggest bank in the nation's capital, as well as banks in at least six other states. The global struggle with corruption, further, is one of the most dramatic stories of our time. Money scandals have contributed to the collapse of governments in Italy, Japan and France. Drug pushers with Pharaonic pretensions influence councils of state in Colombia, Mexico, Nigeria and Thailand. Powerful criminal gangs are on the rise in Russia and China. The life blood of all these enterprises, of course, is money; the international banking system is at once particularly vulnerable to, and a potentially important checkpoint against , criminal cartels. So we'd like to know precisely what happened with BCCI, in particular how it managed to penetrate American banking. And we do not know, at least to our satisfaction. At the head of their U.S. effort, the Arabs and Pakistanis running BCCI placed Washington icon Clark Clifford and his partner, Robert Altman, to run companies controlling First American Bank in Washington. Movers and shakers in both parties became the beneficiaries of BCCI's largesse. Naturally, this created a strong incentive to downplay the entire affair when the bank came to a screeching halt in 1991. This effort has been a great success. When criminal charges were brought by Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, Mr. Clifford was dropped from the case due to age and infirmity. Mr. Altman was acquitted at a criminal trial in New York; precisely why is difficult to ascertain because under curious and probably unconstitutional New York law the testimony is sealed. While various legal proceedings limped on, the journalistic community soon lost interest in murky and complex charges. Case closed, it would seem. In the depths of August, though, came proof of the adage that it ain't over until it's over. In a civil case against Mr. Clifford and Mr. Altman and others in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, Judge Joyce Hen Green dismissed procedural motions to throw out charges for common law fraud, misconduct, conspiracy and racketeering. She threw out objections that the trustee bringing the action was exceeding his authority; that First American lacked standing; that the statute of limitations had run; that the plaintiffs failed to adequately state the charges against them. Judge Green turned thumbs down on all the arguments and ordered the BCCI case to move swiftly to discovery and trial. That's big news for anyone who professes to be concerned about big-time corruption. A civil trial opens up an avenue for finally getting to the truth about BCCI. We would like to know a lot more, for example, about how Mr. Clifford and Mr. Altman got the Federal Reserve to approve the acquisition of First American by BCCI front men. There have been suggestions, for example, that the New York jury acquitted Mr. Altman because it concluded the Fed was not deceived, but knew who the true owners were. The civil suit now headed to trial is the result of the diligence of the First American trustee, Harry Albright, with the help of Mr. Morgenthau and the Justice Department. The suit has already netted some $350 million in settlements, including $239 million from Sheik Zayed bin Sultan and other parts of the royal household of Abu Dhabi, $27 million from Kamal Adham, formerly intelligence adviser to the king of Saudi Arabia, and $10 million from Khalid bin Mahfouz, one of Saudi Arabia's leading bankers. Including the sale of First American Bank, Mr. Albright and his associates have recovered some $1.4 billion for the trust funds to repay defrauded parties world-wide. As we keep noting, there are also numerous intriguing conjunctions between the BCCI history and the Whitewater scandal that besets President Clinton. BCCI's first attempt to acquire First American, for example, was put together in Arkansas by investment giant Stephens Inc. Jack Ryan, one of the Fed officials most involved in approving the First American acquisition, was (and still is) head of the Resolution Trust Corp. when RTC investigator Jean Lewis pressed her case against Madison Guaranty, the Whitewater S&L. And while there's no evidence that BCCI was connected to activities at Arkansas's Mena airport, both seem to have involved the same netherworld of money laundering, drugs and intelligence agencies. Congressional committees, even under Republican control, have been leery of opening the broader aspects of Whitewater. Perhaps this is because Senator D'Amato has turned Statesman, or perhaps it's because a wider investigation would tar not only Democrats but Republicans. The GOP needs to recognize that voters disgusted with Washington want someone to clean house and let chips fall where they may, and will find somewhere else to turn if Republicans don't deliver. Beyond Washington and outside of partisan politics, though, people like Harry Albright doggedly pursue their own duties. If we ever do learn the full story of BCCI and the rest, it will be because the diversity of our governing system gives it a profound strength. Date: Mon Sep 11, 1995 11:00 pm CST From: John Q. Public EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: capmicro@execpc.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: John Crudele: Truck Driver May Hold Key for Starr, 9/8 NY Post (fwd) forwarded from Mr. Ken R. Cook: TRUCK DRIVER MAY HOLD KEY FOR STARR by John Crudele SOME parts of Dennis Patrick's life have been ordinary. He works construction, for instance. And he's been a truck driver. But other parts of Patrick's life are, to say the least, different. For one thing, Patrick says there have been three attempts on his life. And for another, Patrick can produce documents that prove there were many millions of dollars in a brokerage account in his name at one time in the mid-1980s. A truck driver with millions of dollars in assets? Patrick's explanation is simple. He claims he was a dupe in a scheme to launder massive amounts of drug money in Arkansas. "I was never sat down and told that we were going to enter into something illegal," says Patrick in a telephone interview recently from his hideaway. Patrick says he merely opened a brokerage account at Lasater & Co., which was run by Dan Lasater - friend of the Clintons and a convicted felon - and things started to happen. What things? Well, there was the time in October of 1985 when $2- million worth of U.S. Treasury bonds were purchased through his account. The interest alone on the bonds was $28,294.34. The delivery instructions on the bonds read, "Wire to 1st American National Bank NLR/cr 1st American LR." This sort of thing happened over and over again. Patrick has provided me with dozens of brokerage account confirmation slips of million- dollar trades. One of the biggest, was the purchase of $11,625,000 worth of Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corp. bonds in August of 1985. Patrick says he has already met with FBI gents about his claims. And his documents have been turned over to numerous other authorities, including Manhatten District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, who has spent years looking into the money laundering shenanigans of BCCI. And Patrick has already spoken with other members of the press, and his tale of woe has been repeated on the floor of Congress. Patrick says he has also spoken to investigators for Robert Fiske, the representatives of the former Whitewater Prosecutor who preceded the current Whitewater special prosecutor. But the significance of Patrick's documents have so far been missed. The documents may be the key that unlocks the mystery in the drug running that seems to have been going on at the Mena, Ark., airport in the mid-1980s. The most significant information on the trading slips, I'm told, could be the delivery instructions, like those mentioned above on the $2-million transaction of October 1985. As I've said in past columns, current Whitewater prosecutor Kenneth Starr would like nothing more than to widen the scope of his investigation to include whatever is going on at Mena. As my readers know by now, there have been allegations - which seem to be proving true - that the tiny airport in southwestern Arkansas was a depot through which guns were smuggled to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua and cocaine smuggled back into the United States. The most active investigation of Arkansas financial affairs at the moment is Starr's. But the connection between the narrowly-focused wrongdoing at Whitewater Development and much broader issues like Mena hasn't yet been made. So Starr, while poking around the fringes of Mena, hasn't been able to officially add the topic to his charter. The Patrick documents obtained by The Post may provide that connection. Because bond money was sent to banks in Arkansas. Patrick's documents make a convincing case that Mena corrupted the banking system of Arkansas. And because the banking system is within Starr's jurisdiction, the prosecutor can probably get his jurisdiction extended. While copies of the confirmation statements have been provided by Patrick to numerous authorities, none have yet made their way through official channels to Starr. But Patrick would like to provide the information to Starr, and I suspect the connection will be made in the weeks ahead. By keeping his distance from Mena, Starr is trying to avoid the sort of problem he encountered this week when one of his indictments against Arkansas governor Jim Guy Tucker was thrown out because a federal judge (and FOB) contended that Starr went outside his mandate. The dismissal of the indictment is being appealed by Starr, and legal experts expect the prosecutor to win on some level of appeal. Working in Starr's favor is the fact that he did receive permission from the Justice Department to expand his jurisdiction in the Tucker matter. And Judge Henry Woods, who dismissed the indictments, is a friend of the Clintons. Incidents like that one keep Starr on the straight-and-narrow. But the prosecutor's desire to enter the Mena investigation will probably become greater because of an investigation now being conducted by the Drug Enforcement Administration in New Orleans. Sources in Arkansas and Louisiana tell me that DEA agents from New Orleans have recently been interviewing people with knowledge of the Mena operation because the government has located two bank accounts in the Cayman Islands that belonged to Barry Seal. Before he was killed in a government sting operation, Seal was alleged to have been one of the ringleaders at Mena. The DEA wouldn't officially comment. But one source in New Orleans did blurt out that "a couple" of accounts were located in the Caymans but that there was no money in them. The people of Arkansas have been told that the accounts, which are said to have once contained hundreds of millions of dollars, were actively used even after Seal was killed. With Patrick's documents, Ken Starr could soon steer his investigation into Mena, the Caymans or any other place that pleases him. The probe could start to get interesting and embarrassing to politicians of different persuasions. END OF ARTICLE BY JOHN CRUDELE FOR NY POST - 9/8/95 Date: Tue Sep 12, 1995 7:48 pm CST From: Nationtalk Director EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: Wayne_Walker@rolnet.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Do the Ends Justify the Means (and the Menas)? Published in the American Reporter Weekend edition: September 9-11 August 30, 1995 Do the ends justify the means (and the Menas)? by Wayne G. Walker, Ph.D., J.D. Lancaster, CA -- As detailed over 20 years ago in The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks (1974), the CIA culture promotes the questionable belief that the ends justify the means. As more and more evidence and allegations surface about Mena, Arkansas, CIA drug running, the massive CIA money laundering in Arkansas under Clinton's direction, the secret Swiss Bank accounts of scores of national leaders (including Vince Foster), the sale of nuclear secrets by top officials through Foster, and the turf war for control of this power between the Bush and Clinton families (played out in the 92 election), one wonders whether corrupt means may swallow the democracy the CIA is supposed to serve. Rep. Bob Dornan recently began shouting that "Bill Clinton is the most corrupt man to ever sit in the oval office!" If former CIA agent Terry Reed's recent book, Compromised (1994), is accurate, Dornan is only partly right. Reed's allegations imply that not only has Clinton been in the center of an immense web of corruption, George Bush may be similarly culpable. The problem with allegations made by former CIA agents is the secrecy shrouding U.S. intelligence operations. Official denial and deception is the norm. As pointed out in The Cult of Intelligence, U.S. "secrecy and deception in intelligence operations are as much to keep the Congress and the public from learning what their government is doing as to shield these activities from the opposition. The intelligence establishment operates as it does to maintain freedom of action and avoid accountability." Because of the seriousness of the allegations and observations made by Reed, and the consistency of his narrative with accounts from other sources, such as those cited in R. Emmett Tyrell Jr.'s article "The Arkansas Drug Shuttle," The American Spectator (August 1995) and Sally Denton and Roger Morris' article, "The Crimes of Mena," Penthouse Magazine (July 1995), the allegations merit not only careful consideration, but full investigation. The following is a brief summary of Reed's very detailed account. According to Reed, the CIA, with Bill Clinton's full support, managed a large covert operation in Mena, Arkansas during the early 80s to transport guns and munitions to the Contras fighting in Nicaragua, and train Nicaraguan pilots to fly the munitions air-drops. Reed, a machine tool company owner, helped train the pilots and manage the operation. The CIA also used Arkansas to launder its black money. According to Reed, Bill Clinton smoothed the way for all of this in exchange for 10% of the "profits." In 1985, the money laundering amounted to millions of dollars each week. Reed claims all of this was directed by Oliver North in the CIA and George Bush, its former director, then Vice-President under Reagan. Reed says he was deeply involved in the move of the CIA operation to Mexico in 1986. Also, according to Reed, before the Mena operation was over, the Bush sons shipped a duffel bag of cocaine to Clinton associates in an effort to bring down the Clintons. This cocaine was distributed in part by Dan Lasater, Clinton's money laundering bond dealer, who served a little time in prison for Cocaine distribution along with Clinton's brother Roger, before both were pardoned by Governor Clinton. In early 1986, Reed claims Bill Clinton attended a clandestine meeting at Camp Robinson, outside Little Rock, with himself, Oliver North, William P. Barr (Bush's attorney cum CIA spook and eventually U.S. Attorney General), to clean up the operational liabilities in Arkansas. Reed says that Barr informed Clinton that despite the huge Arkansas screw-ups, if Clinton would continue to cooperate, he was still on the CIA's short list for the position to which he would eventually aspire and take (ironically, or poetically, from Bush). Reed drew the conclusion that the CIA was actively engaged in manipulating the outcome of American presidential politics. After Clinton left, Reed says North and Barr offered him responsibility for the new Mexico operation, which Reed himself had proposed, and initiated Reed into the higher echelons of deniable asset work for the CIA. After talking everything over with his wife, Reed initially decided to decline the CIA opportunity, stay in Arkansas, build his growing machine tool business and get involved in local politics. Reed says the opportunity was still on his mind when Bill Clinton took Reed into his security van outside of a new Little Rock restaurant and strongly encouraged Reed to accept the new CIA post. Reed reconsidered and accepted. While in Mexico, Reed set up a front company to replicate Mena's gun manufacturing and shipping operation. Before the operation was fully operational, the CIA lost a gun running C-123 over Nicaragua, causing a halt to the entire project. Reed claims he later learned from a high level Israeli Mossad operative that Vice-president Bush had essentially conducted a silent coup to stop Reagan's anti-communist efforts in Nicaragua, and take control of the U.S. government. According to Reed, it was Bush's right-hand CIA operative who had killed the pilots and then staged the CIA crash in Nicaragua. Reed says he soon also discovered that the CIA in Mexico was using his company name and warehouse to ship TONS of Cocaine to the US. Upon that discovery, and with the front company and the CIA operation falling apart in the wake of the Nicaragua crash, Reed, at great risk to himself, parted with the CIA and returned to the states with his young family. Reed and his family immediately began an evasive run around the country as it quickly became clear that elements in the CIA and the Clinton Administration in Arkansas were determined to silence Reed and his wife with long prison terms or worse. After several months, the Reeds turned themselves in, faced criminal insurance fraud charges related to the CIA theft of Reed's own airplane, and after 2 and 1/2 years in the criminal system were declared completely innocent. They are now bringing a civil suit against Clinton's former chief of security, Buddy Young, and others for (1) creating the false computer profile of armed and dangerous drug runners which led to the Reeds' harrowing flight for survival and (2) bringing the false criminal charges. The case comes to trial next month in Little Rock. Reed's charges are consistent with operational tactics and means recounted in The Cult of Intelligence, as well as in an earlier work, The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964), and they are cumulative. When Reed's charges are combined with the ongoing testimony of Larry Nichols of Little Rock about the Arkansas Development Finance Agency (ADFA) money laundering (3/4 of a billion dollars over Clinton's signature) and the Foster death cover-ups (Secret Service documentation that Foster was found in his car), and the allegations of James Norman, formerly of Forbes Magazine, that over 200 secret Swiss (and other off shore) bank accounts held by leading American politicians were swept clean by the CIA of over $2 billion of illicit funds during the last couple of years, the possible full extent of the corruption of the CIA and leading politicians is almost incredible. Yet, if only half of the above allegations are supported, the U.S. is facing monumental corruption. The accounts of Norman, Reed and Nichols are compelling. Together they are chilling. But are they accurate? Certainly, continued media silence will shed very little "direct" light on the truth of these charges. Yet, formidable obstacles block media and official investigation of these charges. First are the secrecy laws and official "national security" reluctance to allow exposure of any details about intelligence organizations and operations. For example, according to Norman, after Forbes cancelled his Fostergate article at the last minute, he took the story to Insight Magazine. But a defense intelligence agent strongly advised the editor not to publish the article. (Media Bypass Magazine published Norman's Fostergate article in August). Second, if Norman's sources are correct, numerous national leaders, Senators and Representatives are compromised. Indeed, the charges about secret Swiss bank accounts cast suspicion on political leaders from both major parties. Third, Norman's sources claim the CIA has manipulated the flow of damaging information for years. They indicate that over 100 key news media executives, editors and reporters are employed or paid by the CIA to manipulate the flow of news and keep embarrassing stories out of the press. Rolling Stone Magazine reported in 1977 that the number is more like 200-400. This allegation about the press, especially a press intimidated by the national security shield, may partly explain why the Norman story has not gotten any attention in the established media, much less further investigation, and why four credible journalists working on the Foster story, including Norman, were suddenly fired or threatened with firing or worse in the last couple of weeks. It may also explain why the Washington Post cancelled the Denton and Morris article mentioned above, "The Crimes of Mena," after eleven weeks of fact checking and legal review, indeed after the text was laid out in final type and contracts with the authors signed in January. If Reed and Norman are right, the thinking that the end justifies the means may have led the CIA to attempt to control both the established U.S. media and presidential politics. The extreme seriousness of these allegations, and the dangers to American democracy which they imply, are more than sufficient reason for the press and Congress to thoroughly investigate the charges, regardless of who, or which intelligence organizations, may be damaged. Norman's sources from the intelligence community should be given complete immunity so all of their facts can come out, including the complete list of politicians and national leaders holding secret Swiss Bank accounts which were discovered and emptied by the CIA. In addition, the bright light of full public disclosure should shine all over the Reagan, Bush and Clinton Administrations' covert CIA and NSA operations conducted on U.S. soil, including the control or manipulation of the press, and all covert drug operations. Complete reform of the intelligence establishment is long over-due. President Truman, who established the CIA, called for just that back in 1963. Neither covert corruption, nor official cover-ups in the name of national security, can be tolerated. Indeed, the lingering policy question is whether the ends for which the Constitution, the Republic and American democracy stand can long survive, much less justify, such means. Wayne Walker is the host of Nationtalk, a radio talk show broadcast each Saturday over Satcom F1, Transponder 15, 7.56 Mhz. He is also the founder of the Restore Integrity in Government Coalition. ******************************************************* Sent from NationTALK: Enhancing societal learning e-mail: walker @ rolnet.com website: http://www.rolnet.com/~wwalker/nt/nt.html FirstClass BBS: 805-948-4900 ******************************************************* Date: Wed Sep 13, 1995 8:16 am CST From: bigxc EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: bigxc@prairienet.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6 Num. 04 Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6 Num. 04 ====================================== ("Quid coniuratio est?") ----------------------------------------------------------------- The Money Trail By Sherman H. Skolnick [Contact: (312) 375-5741] [...continued...] The bribery/blackmail of the U.S. House and Senate turned out to be a cynical exercise. The bulk of the BCCI/BNL funds, supposedly "deposited" in offshore banks, such as in Switzerland and the Grand Caymans, for the American legislators were, in fact, *stolen* *back* by the highly skilled hackers and became reportedly the basis for BCCI's reincarnation as PINNACLE BANC GROUP. Related events: --- Vincent W. Foster, Jr., and Hillary Rodham Clinton, on behalf of the Rose Law Firm and Jackson Stephens and Worthen Bank Group, arranged for BCCI to penetrate the American market. (A related story, not mentioned by others in the popular press, was in the *New York Post*, 02/08/92.) Some are unaware that Jackson Stephens runs the largest bond house outside of Wall Street, with offices, such as in Atlanta, intersecting with BCCI and BNL. --- The five billion dollar scandal of arms for Iraq disguised as U.S. Agriculture loans through BNL/Atlanta implicated more than just George Bush. Also possibly incriminated would be Clinton's financial backers, such as Jackson Stephens. (You can see why BCCI/BNL reportedly bribed and/or blackmailed the chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee.) --- BCCI/BNL intersects with a reputed dope money laundry spreading out in all directions, called HOUSEHOLD INTERNATIONAL and HOUSEHOLD BANK, now headquartered in Prospect Heights, a Chicago suburb. Household is the successor to the CIA front, the NUGAN-HAND BANK of Australia. Part of a RESOLUTION TRUST CORPORATION fund parked with Household International -- fifty million dollars of the 58.4 million dollar fund -- was secretly transferred to Little Rock, an attempted cover up of 47 million dollars stolen and/or embezzled from MADISON GUARANTY SAVINGS & LOAN, reportedly implicating Bill and Hillary Clinton. A public access cable TV show in Chicago (run by this writer) fingered Household as the reputed money laundry for "CHINA WHITE", high purity heroin now flooding the U.S., smuggled into the U.S. through Joliet, just south of Chicago. (The DEA and Justice Department bosses -- including Mark Prosperi, head of the Organized Crime Drug Task Force -- confronted on this by this writer, have planted misleading stories that "China White" is being smuggled into the Chicago area by Nigerians.) Also reportedly implicated in the "China White" smuggling into the Chicago area has been former Illinois governor Jim Thompson, more recently chairman of the 400-member worldwide law firm, headquartered in Chicago, WINSTON & STRAWN. Their District of Columbia office is headed by Foster's brother-in-law, BERYL ANTHONY, former Arkansas congressman who somehow escaped prosecution in the House Bank mess. Foster's sister, SHEILA FOSTER ANTHONY, has headed up a Justice Department section instrumental in the appointments of new federal Judges, U.S. District Attorneys, and U.S. Marshals. Thompson has supervised CIA covert operations, reportedly including dope/gun-running money laundries, through his position on the FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE ADVISORY BOARD (FIAB). --- Vince Foster aided CIA in clandestine gold transactions through his role with a Caymans bank, going back to the late 1970s when he started as the military equivalent of a general with the NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY -- code crackers and satellite controllers and such. Foster headed up their bank spying project, spying on money transfers from and to foreign banks, including Central Banks, from 1983 to and including the time he became Clinton White House deputy counsel: 1993. While in the Clinton White House, Foster was also with NSA. Assisting Foster with the secret gold transactions for CIA was the reputed mafia representative on the LONDON GOLD POOL. This reputed mafioso has links to top officials of the FBI counter- intelligence and the U.S. Secret Service. (Little known: the Secret Service depends on mafia people to inform the government of any "loners" plotting to harm the president and other top federal officials traveling into or through the city the mafioso resides in.) This reputed mafioso lives, naturally, a few blocks away from PINNACLE BANC GROUP's flagship, First National Bank of Cicero. His influence and links are reportedly through the Archbishop of Milan, Italy, reportedly his cousin. A sideline of his reportedly was peddling stolen FOOD STAMPS -- some food stores, exempt from U.S. Treasury regulations on ten thousand dollars or more deposits of cash having to be identified, sometimes deposit mysteriously large amounts of food stamps in a bank instead of cash -- food stamps in pristine condition apparently never handled by usual eligible recipients. Foster's widow, Lisa, heavily medicated by mood-altering PROZAC (claimed by some to cause dangerous side effects and memory loss), recently made the statement that she examined various transactions of her late husband for the six years prior to his death. According to published accounts: "She went through all his files, putting together a list of names for all his phone calls and logging his American Express records for six years to rebut *allegations of secret Swiss accounts and CIA-sponsored drug smuggling*." (Emphasis added.) Strange, but the popular press never previously referred to those allegations. See: Chicago Tribune, 09/04/95, page 3, Sec. 1. Question: Is someone heavily medicated by PROZAC a credible, dependable witness? Some experienced trial attorneys greatly question Lisa Foster's credibility under the circumstances that there may be a high-level cover up of the details of her husband's violent death -- a cover up that she may not be in a position to rebut or combat. Question: Did Lisa Foster know that her husband's body was handled by a mortuary with reported links to the Defense Department and CIA? The mortuary reportedly specialized in handling sensitive situations where CIA covert operators were murdered in the U.S. or overseas. The money trail, linking to several of the foregoing situations, was reportedly covered up by ROBERT CESCA, once acting Inspector General for the U.S. Treasury. Some contend Cesca is the highest ranking mafia representative in the United States. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + Mr. Skolnick is founder/chairman, Citizens' Committee to Clean Up the Courts, since 1963. Since 1971, editor, HOTLINE NEWS, recorded message, on 24 hours/day, (312) 731-1100. Since 1991, regular panel member on "Broadsides", popular public access Cable TV Show, Chicago. Office (8 a.m. to midnight): (312) 375-5741. 9800 So. Oglesby, Chicago IL 60617. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + I neither necessarily agree nor disagree with either all or portions of the preceding. Persons mentioned are invited to send their rebuttals, of reasonable length, to bigred@shout.net for probable distribution. -- Brian Francis Redman, Editor-in-Chief ----------------------------------------------------------------- I encourage distribution of "Conspiracy Nation." ----------------------------------------------------------------- For information on how to receive the new Conspiracy Nation Newsletter, send an e-mail message to bigred@shout.net ----------------------------------------------------------------- If you would like "Conspiracy Nation" sent to your e-mail address, send a message in the form "subscribe conspire My Name" to listproc@prairienet.org -- To cancel, send a message in the form "unsubscribe conspire" to listproc@prairienet.org ----------------------------------------------------------------- Want to know more about Whitewater, Oklahoma City bombing, etc? (1) telnet prairienet.org (2) logon as "visitor" (3) go citcom ----------------------------------------------------------------- Aperi os tuum muto, et causis omnium filiorum qui pertranseunt. Aperi os tuum, decerne quod justum est, et judica inopem et pauperem. -- Liber Proverbiorum XXXI: 8-9 -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= O what fine thought we had because we thought | bigred@shout.net That the worst rogues and rascals had died out. | Illinois, -- W.B. Yeats, "Nineteen Hundred And Nineteen" | I'm your boy. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= Date: Wed Sep 13, 1995 9:57 pm CST From: Orlin Grabbe EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: kalliste@delphi.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: part 25: vince foster, the nsa, and bank spying -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying, Part XXV by J. Orlin Grabbe What ties together cocaine in Arkansas, an assassinated Vince Foster, Systematics banking software, NSA codes diverted to the Israelis, hidden accounts at Pittsburgh's Mellon Bank, Iraq-bound technology from Westinghouse and Kennametal (perhaps smuggled or escorted by Wackenhut security), and bipartisan political payola? One common thread concerns a global money-laundering operation run out of Lima, Peru. Just as two banks will not be sufficient to form an efficient foreign exchange market, neither can a couple of isolated institutions effectively launder money. Therefore anyone with large amounts of "dirty" money to process must ultimately intersect with the global market for the flow of laundered cash. A principal reason has to do with *layering*. Classical money laundering involves three stages: placement, layering, and integration. *Placement* is getting cash into the system. This usually involves a friendly banker who doesn't fill out reporting forms. *Layering* is a chain of transactions (these are often interbank transactions) at least one of which needs to be invisible in order to effectively break the monetary trail. *Integration* is getting the "clean" money back to the original owner. This may take many forms, including offshore "loans" which are never repaid. Here is a thumbnail sketch of some of the money-laundering inter- connections among the various subjects of discussion that have arisen in this series of Internet posts. 1. Cocaine smuggled through Mena, Arkansas and elsewhere (including, currently, the cross-border flow from Canada and Mexico) generates huge cash profits which must be laundered. I first learned of the Arkansas drug-related laundry around 1983, about three years after it had gone into operation. Nicolas Ardito- Barletta was then a World Bank economist, but one who would shortly become President of Panama (prior to General Noriega). Nicolas' brother took my class on international financial markets at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, and afterward wrote his advanced study project paper on Panama as an international banking center under my supervision. The paper focused on the economic incentives offered by the Panamanian banking system. But privately we discussed the obvious demand for banking services generated by the intercontinental cocaine trade. The Arkansas laundry was well-known to Panamanian bankers. 2. Prohibitions on the export of weapons or advanced technology similarly creates a profit opportunity for those willing to subvert that prohibition. So another source of demand for laundering services comes from smuggled nuclear technology, nuclear fuel, and arms shipments. Pittsburgh--whose environs encompass Kennametal, parts of Westinghouse, and Mellon Bank--was a focal point for the latter operation. Kennametal machine tools and Westinghouse nose cones were shipped up the St. Lawrence to Montreal for forwarding to Iraq. (Parts of the story of the arming of Iraq may be found in Alan Friedman's *Spider's Web*; other parts may be found in *Time*, "A Matter of Honor", June 21, 1993. There is still much more untold.) Has Westinghouse just been indicted for price-fixing? What about Kennametal? Does some of the evidence involve the Mellon Bank money-laundering operation? Has the money-laundering operation formerly run through Mellon Bank now been moved to New York? In the event the exchange involves arms for oil, the oil must be brokered, sold, and the cash transferred to the relevant party. The commodity divisions of investment banks are often involved in this part of the transaction (a number of examples along this line involve the defunct Drexel Burnham Lambert, one of my former software clients). 3. Prohibitions on the sharing of "classified" information create a profit opportunity for those willing to sell restricted information. This is commonly known as "espionage", and those who commit it--like Jonathan Pollard, Aldrich Ames, and Vince Foster--often end up in prison or dead or both. In this case the amount of money involved is often small. Concealment is important, nevertheless, so the payoff--if not in cash--often occurs through channels otherwise used for the laundry. Foster received deposits in offshore accounts for selling nuclear codes. He was paid via covert channels. So also--one suspects-- were the hit men who took him out. (The fact that Robert Goetzman used the royal "we" in "we did Foster" on the day of Foster's death--in Debra von Trapp's account--does not prove to me that he was actually involved in the hit, even if the conversation occurred exactly as related. After all, there are probably many people who would like to enhance their prestige by claiming credit for the Foster assassination. But the timing of the conversation would indicate Goetzman knew about it at approximately the time it occurred. Did he have *advance* knowledge of the hit? Does he even now know the identity of the contract agents involved?) 4. The Cabazon Indian nation comes into the story because, being a sovereign nation, it was a way to avoid export restrictions and to develop new weapons technology. It was also one of the sites where Michael Riconosciuto helped create a backdoor version of the PROMIS software. Even those sources who tell me that Riconosciuto "lies a lot" confirm that he worked on the PROMIS software to develop a mechanism for covert telecommunications access. The PROMIS software enters the story in three ways: it is a mechanism for tracking people, a mechanism for tracking money, and a useful tool for managing a global laundry. 5. The early 1980s mandate to track terrorists (a "terrorist" being defined as anyone who does things normally reserved for government agencies) involved tracking the money and tracking the people. PROMIS was designed to track people. It was especially useful in tracking spies and other outsiders, the natural users of the parallel monetary system, the global laundry. Sales of the PROMIS software to security organization around the world were made by Earl Brian, recently indicted in California and, reportedly, also Canada (along with the noted alleged con artist, Ari Ben-Menasche). 6. The PROMIS software was modified to track money, and sold to bank back-offices across the country and around the world by a Little Rock company called Systematics (now Alltel Information Services). The telecommunications backdoor in the software was intended by the NSA to be used to spy on bank transactions in real time. But there were also other possibilities, soon apparent to enterprising souls. If you run the back offices of banks, then you are in a position to make--and keep track of--covert transfers through the "backdoor" mechanism of PROMIS. That is, such transfers could take place in such a way that one would not leave an audit trail, and in such a way that the funds would never show up in the ordinary accounting reports. That is, the same software was an excellent way to manage the global laundry. 7. Despite the distributed nature of the software-controlled back-office operation, the laundry in the U.S. has been mostly concentrated in a couple of dozen financial institutions. How could this escape the scrutiny of the Federal Reserve? The answer is: Through complicity at a very high level. What does Alan Greenspan have to say about all this? (Did you get the letter?) 8. But the back-door created a massive security hole in the operation of banking cash-management and wire-transfer services. Banks had gone out and purchased a software vault with a massive steel door on the front, but a secret entrance and exit to be used by enterprising thieves. Did Alltel Information Services recently hire four more law firms to represent it in the inevitable lawsuits to come? Is this why Ross Perot is getting into the banking software business? Swiss Bank Corp. recently acquired a 24.9 percent stake in Perot Systems Corp., which will form a new division called Perot Systems Global Financial Services to run the bank's computer operations. Perot Systems in turn is taking a 40 percent stake in Systor, a Swiss Bank Corp. subsidiary that provides banking software. Meanwhile, a 28-year-old Vladimir "Vova" Levin of St. Peterburg, Russia, was recently reported to have, in connection with some others, penetrated Citicorp's cash management services in New York, and transferred more than $10 million to banks in six other countries (including Switzerland and Israel). Although the hackers were caught, due to excessive greed, a hefty $400,000 was not recovered. How were they able to bypass Citibank's security procedures? "Is there a mole in Citibank?" a *Wall Street Journal* headline recently asked. A more perceptive headline would have asked, "Is there a *hole* in Citibank software?" Some people think the hackers utilized the PROMIS system backdoor (the "Greek" method). Some people who are totally devoid of expertise in banking tech- nology have questioned the ability of a group of (possibly CIA) "Fifth Column" hackers to clean out accounts in Switzerland using a computer, whether Cray or otherwise. Well, duuuuuh, let's see, a Russian graduate student with modest equipment accomplished the same thing from *St. Petersburg* using the *Russian phone system*. Just think of what he might have been able to do if he had had some advantages . . . Others wonder why Swiss banks haven't been publicly screaming about a missing billion or two. Well, their computers thought the transfers were duly authorized. Do you really expect the banks to worry about making restitution? (We are not dealing with pissant ATM theft here.) Secondly, Switzerland houses much of the world's flight capital. Wonder what would happen to a lot of it, if Swiss banks admitted to a hacker vulnerability? But not to worry. Anyone can get his money back by identifying the amount, the account number, and signing a *sworn* statement that the account in question belonges to him . . . Finally, others question the ability of anyone to saunter through the Mossad's files. Why? You might not even need a computer. If you think much of the U.S. government is for sale, you should take a good look at Israel's. And, at any rate, the Mossad is currently a third-rate intelligence organization in chaos. Hardly a fortress on a hill. [to be continued] -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: 2.6.2 iQCVAwUBMFczmWX1Kn9BepeVAQEW1QQAqpdGeOCECO1G6wSUxge+kj42mGn6R80x +hUNv1gy5qSFcgR1NLirPGbxk4kLfc3tBUMZIbcADF8h/40cQ7Hn1lYKQtlA0EHX i3CH9pa+xx6rc4V9B4tdL5kXkYOrrUB8ZpUJxwxNHPgndZhxmwFJ59dsDodvu5xG zIeInP1DWJo= =DrHs -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- Date: Thu Sep 14, 1995 8:26 am CST From: Duane Roberts EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: eaou669@aldebaran.oac.uci.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: MENA - Excerpt from a letter to Congressman Doug Barnard, Jr. ----------------------------------------------------------- CONTINUED INVESTIGATION OF SENIOR-LEVEL EMPLOYEE MISCONDUCT AND MISMANAGEMENT AT THE INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE: ----------------------------------------------------------- Hearing before the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Second Congress, First Session, July 24, 1991. ----------------------------------------------------------- Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, 1992. ----------------------------------------------------------- GOV DOC # Y 4.G 74/7:Em 7/16 ----------------------------------------------------------- The following excerpt is from a letter written by former IRS senior Criminal Investigator William C. Duncan to Representative Doug Barnard, Jr. (D-Georgia), former Chairman of the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee. From page 311. (2.B.) WHY DO YOU BELIEVE THAT THEY WANTED OR NEED TO SUPPRESS YOUR TESTIMONY? Recent sworn testimony from several witnesses concerning events in the Mena, AR area, indicates that the United States Government had interests which would have not been best served by unobstructed completion of IRS and Arkansas State police money laundering and drug smuggling investigations. Nor would their interests have been well served by exposure of interference in the investigations through testimony before the Subcommittee on Crime. I believe that someone in the IRS was told to suppress my testimony in an attempt to protect other United States Government interests at the Mena, AR Airport. The cooperating Arkansas State Police Investigator has stated that he was told twice during 1987 by FBI Agents that the Central Intelligence Agency was involved in some sort of operation at the airport. He also stated that he saw an FBI teletype which referred to the CIA operation and the United States Attorney's Office interference in our investigations into allegations of drug smuggling and money laundering by Barry Seal and/or associates of Seal. This interference was exactly what the Subcommittee on Crime wanted me to testify about. Date: Thu Sep 14, 1995 8:42 am CST From: Duane Roberts EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: eaou669@aldebaran.oac.uci.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: MENA - The Sworn Testimony of Chief Investigator William C. Duncan ----------------------------------------------------------- CONTINUED INVESTIGATION OF SENIOR-LEVEL EMPLOYEE MISCONDUCT AND MISMANAGEMENT AT THE INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE: ----------------------------------------------------------- Hearing before the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Second Congress, First Session, July 24, 1991. ----------------------------------------------------------- Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, 1992. ----------------------------------------------------------- GOV DOC # Y 4.G 74/7:Em 7/16 ----------------------------------------------------------- The following excerpts are from pages 64-73, 85-86. Representative Doug Barnard, Jr. (D-Georgia) was Chairman of the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee in 1991. Mr. BARNARD. Thank you very much. Our next panel consists of Mr. William C. Duncan, a former IRS senior Criminal Investigation employee, and Mr. N. Paul Whitmore, group manager of the Criminal Investigation Division of the Internal Revenue Service. Gentlemen, we appreciate you again being with us today for this important hearing. We will include your entire testimony, without objection, in the record and would like for your statements, if possible, to be summarized. Thank you again for being with us. We will first hear from Mr. Duncan. Incidently, I want to congratulate you I understand that you are now gainfully employed again. Mr. DUNCAN. I finally got a job; yes, sir. Mr. BARNARD. Chief investigator of the Arkansas attorney general's office. I am glad that you are now employed. Mr. DUNCAN. Thank you, sir. Would it be better if I just responded to questions from the panel because it takes about 20 to 25 minutes for me to read this? Mr. BARNARD. Could you just sort of summarize to begin with? We have some questions for you and Mr. Whitmore, but couldn't you just sort of summarize what your statement includes? Mr. DUNCAN. This was my summary. Mr. BARNARD. A 20-page summary. STATEMENT OF WILLIAM C. DUNCAN, CHIEF INVESTIGATOR, OFFICE OF ATTORNEY GENERAL, STATE OF ARKANSAS Mr. DUNCAN. No, sir. It is about 9 pages. I can just say that Mr. Whitmore and I have testified truthfully about the events that occurred in connection with my testimony before the Subcommittee on Crime and m briefing process. We have provided documentation pertaining to our trips here. We have testified on several occasions, and we volunteered for and submitted to polygraph exams which we passed. And we also cooperated with Treasury IG in their extensive investigation. I don't know what more we can do. Mr. BARNARD. Well, we have some questions that we will direct to you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Duncan follows] TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM C. DUNCAN BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON COMMERCE, CONSUMER, AND MONETARY AFFAIRS HOUSE COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS JULY 24, 1991 Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee: Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. Since my testimony before you on July 27, 1989, I have cooperated completely with investigators from the U. S. Treasury, Inspector General's Office and Government Accounting Office in an attempt to deal with the integrity problems and criminal acts of IRS Chief Counsel Attorneys. To my knowledge, not one of the IRS Attorneys has been punished, additional IRS Executives apparently have provided false, misleading or incomplete testimony to Treasury IG Investigators, and the conspiracy to cover up the illegal acts continues. The system now in place for investigating Senior Level IRS integrity problems has not worked. My prior testimony before you related to instructions given to me by IRS Chief Counsel Attorneys concerning my testimony before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime on February 26, 1988, about criminal investigations in which I participated while assigned as an IRS Special Agent to the Fayetteville, AR Post-of-Duty. These joint investigations were initiated because of information which we received during 1983 and 1984 concerning the Barry Seal smuggling organization's move from Louisiana to the Mena, AR Airport. By the end of 1987, it was apparent that thousands of law enforcement manhours and an enormous amount of evidence of drug smuggling, aiding and abetting drug smugglers, conspiracy, perjury, money laundering and illegal modifications to smuggling aircraft had gone to waste. Not only were no indictments ever returned on any of the individuals under investigation for their role in the Mena Operation, there was a complete breakdown in the judicial system. The United States Attorney, Western Judicial District of Arkansas, assured us that there were no national security or other issues involved which would impede investigation and prosecution of criminal violations in Arkansas, however, be refused to issue subpoenas for critical witnesses, interfered in the investigations apparently mislead grand juries about evidence and availability of witnesses, refused to allow investigators to present evidence to the grand jury, and in general made a mockery of the entire investigative and judicial process. The Subcommittee on Crime, through media reports, became aware of public concern over lack of indictments and reuested my testimony. As you are aware from our testimony and statements made to your investigators by Hayden Gregory, Chief Counsel for the Subcommittee on Crime, if I had followed the directives of [deleted] and [deleted], I would have completely mislead the Subcommittee about the problems which we encountered in the investigations, and ultimately would have perjured myself in connection with an allegation about a bribe from Barry Seal to a high ranking Department of Justice official. The intense IRS Disclosure Litigation process which we described was purely and simply designed to impede the Congress of the United States in their investigation of issues which impact on the very heart of our judicial system, and ultimately the security of this country. Why did this happen? What could have been important enough for the Department of Justice and the Department of Treasury to join hands in an effort which resulted in such interference? Perhaps there are answers. Evidence gathered during the last year and a half indicates that during the period 1984 through 1986, the Mena, AR Airport was an important hub/waypoint for transshipment of drugs, weapons and Central American "Contra" and Panamanian Defense Force personnel who were receiving covert training in a variety of specialties in the Nella Community, located ten miles north of the Mena, AR Airport. The evidence details a bizarre mixture of drug smuggling, gun running, money laundering and covert operations by Barry Seal, his associates, and both employees and contract operatives of the United States Intelligence Services. The testimony reveals a scheme whereby massive amounts of cocaine were smuggled into the State of Arkansas, and profits were partially used to fund covert operations. Two witnesses testified that one of the Western District of Arkaas Assistant U. S. Attorneys told them that the U. S. Attorney's Office received a call to shut down the investigations involving Seal and his associates. Is this the reason why the IRS went to such great lengths to cause me to withhold information from Congress? I don't know. It is obvious that their interference had little to with 6103 or 6E information. There had to be another reason. Something so important, that it would cause IRS Attorney to deny even the meeting during which the subornation of the perjury occured. I have been asked to comment on the Treasury Inspector General's Office Investigation into this matter. After reviewing unredacted portions of the investigative report, I can tell you that it contains many inaccuracies and it should be the subject of intense review by this subcommittee. The conclusions exhibited in the report allow criminal violations to go unpunished, and provide fertile ground for similar violations in the future.... When this subcommittee formally requested my testimony, the pressures from [deleted], and my immediate supervisor [deleted] increased dramatically. [deleted] told me not to even call the Little Rock, AR District Office to inquire as to the location of case files concerning the Mena Investigations. I was not allowed to either inquire about the files or return to Little Rock in time to review the files for information relating to my contacts with the Disclosure Litigation Attorneys.... It is ironic that the Internal Revenue Service promotes use of polygraph examinations in conduct of criminal investigations of american taxpayers because they, along with most other investigative and intelligence agencies, know that polygraph is an excellent investigative tool for determination of the truthfulness of witnesses. Paul Whitmore and I volunteered for, and submitted to, polygraph examinations administered by the United States Secret Service, because we were eager, as we told Commissioner Goldberg, to prove the truthfulness of our testimony. I again challenge [names deleted] and any other Internal Revenue Service personnel who dispute our testimony, to take a polygraph so that the truth can be displayed and this matter put finally to rest. Unfortunately, Mr. Chairman, it is unlikely that any of the IRS executives and attorneys who were involved in this matter will ever take polygraph examinations, and they will probably never admit to their deception. They know full well that they do not have to submit to polygraph, and that they have protection within their powerful circle of co-conspirators who have distorted the truth so many times on behalf of this organization that they now comfortably perceive the truth to be whatever the Internal Revenue Service tells them it is. Loyalty is an important and valued asset. But never, ever, should loyalty be justification for perjury. History is filled with tragedies resulting from deception and crimes in the name of loyalty, patriotism and national security. It seems that most of America keeps their hands over their eyes, even when it comes to evidence of U.S. Government involvement in drug smuggling and IRS corruption that erodes voluntary taxpayer compliance, and ultimately, the very fiscal foundation of this country. With the exception of a few in depth articles by publications such as the Boston Phoenix, even the media has refused to demand answers. Please do not allow this matter to remain unresolved. The personal cost? The loss of an unblemished federal law enforcement career and my retirement; emotional and financial trauma beyond description; my portrayal by IRS Management as someone who turned their back on their organization, in other words, a traitor; inability to obtain other federal law enforcement employment because of perceptions that I am a "whistleblower" and because the Internal Revenue Service withheld my closing evaluation for over eighteen months.... I am thankful for the Attorney General of the State of Arkansas who viewed my refusal to perjure myself as a quality which he wanted in his administration. Otherwise, I might still be unable to find employment as a criminal inrestigator. Unfortunately, reprisal against me for truthful testimony and cooperation with congress continues. The U. S. Attorney in Western, Arkansas has sent word on two occasions that his office will not handle any Medicaid Fraud cases for the State of Arkansas as long as I am on staff with the Medicaid Fraud Division. In other words, he is willing to allow Medicaid Fraud, which affects healthcare of the poor and elderly, to go unchecked in the entire western half of the State of Arkansas, in order to sabotage my first fulltime employment in nineteen months. His actions have caused us to have to take all of our criminal cases to the Eastern Judicial District U. S. Attorney, placing an unfair workload on both he and his staff. How is it that IRS and Department of Justice Attorneys continue this type of action with no perception of risk. Why are we powerless to stop it? The Attorney General of the United States should directly intervene with [deleted] to stop retaliation against me. Mr. Goldberg should take charge and begin to deal with integrity problems at the top of his organization. He should also, very quickly arrive at a solution in order to fully restore my Federal Law Enforcement career, with full benefits and compensation for the effects of IRS corruption on me and my family. He should gladly provide Mr. Whitmore and his family full compensation for any losses which they have incurred, and allow him to effectively continue to progress in his management career. People who cooperate with truthful testimony should be promoted, not demoted. We have fulfilled our responsibilities to the Internal Revenue Service and Congress under exteme duress. If the Commissioner of Internal Revenue and the Attorney General refuse to fulfill the responsibilities of their jobs, they should be replaced with someone who will. What can be done to protect IRS Whistleblowers? The first thing you can do it make sure that whistleblowers are given the guidance and emotional support which they are going to need to get tbrough some very tough times. We were totally unprepared for the emotional trama of dealing with an enemy which we really didn't understand. How many IRS Employees know that IRS Attorneys are not there to protect them individually, but are there to protect the IRS Organization? There is no Attorney-Client relationship between an employee and an IRS Disclosure Litigation Attorney. The employee will not even be able to obtain the briefing records prepared by the attorney. Yet I was told repeatedly that I had to use the assigned Disclosure Litigation Attorney, that I had no choice. Finally, you can insure, that complaints about retaliation are promptly addressed, and that action is taken to intercede, and provide imediate relief to tbe extent possible. People are not going to willingly expose themselves and their families to economic and emotional peril, without some assurance that there will be real support from Congress During a portion of the past three years I found myself filled with feelings of rage, disgust and helplessness as I discovered that I was powerless to deal with managers within IRS who perceived me as a troublemaker, and even a traitor, because I insisted on telling the truth. I believe that I exhibited the ultimate in loyalty to the Internal Revenue Service. I did not begin dealing with anyone outside my organization until I felt that I had exhausted all avenues within the organization. I sought guidance from each of my supervisors, who, until I became involved with this subcommittee, did nothing but encourage me to go back and go through the same horrifying process again. I feel now that I have done all that I can do. I despise the corruption that I have witnessed first hand, but I have had to displace my anger toward the people who participated in it. I am in the process of trying to reconstruct some semblance of life and security for my family. It is my sincere hope that others within the Internal Revenue Service will read the transcripts of the hearings conducted by this subcommittee and learn from them. Mr. BARNARD. As we begin our interrogation of these two gentlemen, I want to thank both of you for coming to the subcommittee to tell your story. I think that your testimony in the past has helped us mold an IRS of the future that will certainly not tolerate situations like the ones that you have experienced, and hopefully ill prevent any retaliation against whistleblowers in the future. Mr. Duncan, if IRS had given you more latitude in your Justice Department testimony in 1988, would you still be an IRS employee today? Mr. DUNCAN. I am certain that I would. Mr. BARNARD. Why do you believe that? Mr. DUNCAN. I thought I had the greatest job in the Internal Revenue Service. I thoroughly enjoyed my work, and I enjoyed the coworkers. Mr. BARNARD. Where do you think that your investigation would have led? Mr. DUNCAN. Wel at the time I testified before the Subcommittee on Crime, we had just touched the tip of the iceberg, in my opinion. Since then we have received additional testimony that there were a lot more things going on, there was a lot more money that was being laundered. All I wanted to do was to be able to respond truthfully and answer questions completely before the Subcommittee on Crime. Mr. BARNARD. What has happened to that investigation since you left it? Mr. DUNCAN. The IRS investigation? To my knowledge, it has been closed. Mr. BARNARD. What about the Justice Department? Mr. DUNCAN. The statutes of limitations have expired on the cases and, to my knowledge, nothing else will be done. Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Duncan, do you believe that the information on the $350,000 bribe to a high-level Justice official was valid? Mr. DUNCAN. That is not a determination for me to make. I can only communicate that the law enforcement officer who received that information told me on numerous occasions that the informant that provided the information had provided in the past nothing but good information. Mr. BARNARD. Had he ever been tested, as far as a lie detector test is concerned? Mr. DUNCAN. I am not aware of that. Mr. BARNARD. Mr. Duncan, why do you believe that [deleted] and [deleted] requested that you not offer this information to the Justice Subcommittee? Mr. DUNCAN. I have asked myself that question thousands of times. Based on the information we have received in the last year and a half it appears that things were going on at that airport that could have been related to the Contra resupply, I don't know. I perceive that they wanted to protect the Internal Revenue Service from anything controversial. Mr. BARNARD. What has happened in that particular case since you left, to your knowledge? Mr. DUNCAN. Information is still coming in, additional witnesses are testifying, and we are gathering information right now. Mr. BARNARD. Are you associated with that case now as an investigator for the Arkansas attorney general? Mr. DUNCAN. I receive information and pass it along to the attorney general, and also to Congressman Alexander. Date: Thu Sep 14, 1995 8:45 am CST From: Duane Roberts EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: eaou669@aldebaran.oac.uci.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: MENA - Another excerpt from a letter to Congressman Doug Barnard, Jr. ----------------------------------------------------------- CONTINUED INVESTIGATION OF SENIOR-LEVEL EMPLOYEE MISCONDUCT AND MISMANAGEMENT AT THE INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE: ----------------------------------------------------------- Hearing before the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Second Congress, First Session, July 24, 1991. ----------------------------------------------------------- Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, 1992. ----------------------------------------------------------- GOV DOC # Y 4.G 74/7:Em 7/16 ----------------------------------------------------------- The following excerpt is from a letter written by IRS Representative N. Paul Whitmore to Representative Doug Barnard, Jr. (D-Georgia), former Chairman of the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee. The letter was written in response to a question posed by Chairman Barnard as to why Mr. Whitmore felt that IRS attorneys wanted to suppress former IRS Special Agent William C. Duncan's testimony before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime in 1988 regarding events taking place at the Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas. From page 320. 2. It is my perspective that the IRS attorneys were not acting alone when they wanted to suppress Mr. Duncan's 1988 testimony. Although, they visualize themselves as the guardians of the IRS image, I do not believe that they would take it upon themselves to suggest that S/A Duncan to commit perjury. [deleted] stated that the Commissioner's Office was very concerned about Duncan's upcoming testimony. This was a direct indication that the Commissioner's office was involved. Carrying this a step further, it is my perspective that the Commissioner's office would not be involved unless pressure was received from an outside source. It is my opinion they wanted to suppress his testimony as they did not want the IRS to be involved in a controversial issue. In addition they did not want the IRS to be identified as the agency responsible for uncovering evidence has shown to be a covert operation involving illegal arms shipments, illegal drug smuggling and illegal money laundering activities which involved other federal government agencies. If this were not the case, why then is the Commissioner's office still going to such great lengths to protect these attorneys. Date: Thu Sep 14, 1995 11:10 pm CST From: Jamianne [Ms. Freddi ".A.R.." Reddi] EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: jamiv@verilink.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Annotated Mena-Gate Bibliography 9/14/95 for your reading & viewing pleasure > Mena-Gate/CIA-Gate Bibliography 700 Club Fact Sheet: "Mena Airport: Arkansas' Contra Connection?" Bowers, Rodney, Arkansas Democrat- Gazette-August 26, 1995: "British TV Journalist Finished Filming Mena Air- port Secrets"-"Reporter calls tale of drugs, arms for Contras `fascinating.'" CBS News focused two segments of "Eye on America" on the Mena epi- sodes. Celerino Castillo and David Harmon: Powder Burns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War. Castillo was the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's (DEA) top agent in El Salvador during 1985-87 Cockburn, Alexander, The Nation, p 582. A drug and gun trafficking opera- tion through Mena in western Arkansas was protected by Federal officials. In a 1983 IRS drug smug- gling and money laundering investi- gation by the Arkansas State Police, prime investigator Russell Welch, uncovered CIA connections, and was warned off by the FBI. Arkansas state agencies brokered loans to associated companies and interfered with investigations. Dettmer, Jamie, "Arkansas Probe Leads Back To Mysterious Rural Airport" Insight Magazine, a Washington Time Corp. publication. August 28, 1995 issue. Editorial Offices (202) 636-8800, 76353.2113@compuserve.com Fax: (202) 529-2484. The Nation, p 189-192. "How the Drug Czar Got Away", by Martin A. Lee. `The gist of the story is that the USA is more interested in implicating Nicara- guan Sandinistas in drug running than in prosecuting smugglers. Also the US Government funded contras with drug money. Jorge Luis Ochoa of Columbia was captured in Spain. The DEA (at least one agent was also member of Lieut. Col. Oliver North's team) offered to have extradition bungled if Ochoa would implicate the Nicaraguan Sand- inista government in cocaine traffick- ing. Ochoa refused. After 20 months, Spain decided that USA was seeking to use Ochoa as a political instrument and denied extradition to USA. Ochoa had fled to Spain in June 1984 after being implicated in the assassination of Lara Bonilla, the Columbian Minister of Jus- tice who had crusaded against his country's $5 billion per year cocaine trade. Alder Berriman Seal (Barry Seal) said he flew 1500 kilograms of cocaine from Columbia to Managua for Ochoa. The story quotes The Wall Street Jour- nal as reporting that four imprisoned drug pilots who knew Seal said that Seal was part of contra supply network, delivering weapons and drugs. Seal also took secret photos of Sandinista soldiers loading cocaine on his C-123 transport (the same plane as shot down with Eugene Hasenfus). Ochoa contributed money to contras. Ramon Milian-Rodriguez told Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nar- cotics and International Operations that he had funneled $10 million to the contras through former CIA operative Felix Rod- riguez in 1983. James Kible, Madrid Spain based DEA agent assigned to Ochoa case and another DEA agent, Victor Oliveira were caught while boarding a plane for Switzerland at Madrid Barajos Airport with $5 million in cash, supposedly for North's contra-aid team. The records of these arrests have been "disappeared." Larry Nichols: "The Truth Will Set Us Free," For The People News Reporter, May 30, 1994, p. 13. Oliver North: Under Fire Penthouse: "Snowbound," July, 1989, writ- ten by investigative reporters John Cum- mings, and Ernest Volkman. Penthouse: "The Crimes Of Mena," July 1995, by Sally Denton and Roger Morris (a "follow-up" article on "Snowbound") [Both Penthouse articles are available in various Internet versions.] Terry Reed and John Cummings, Compro- mised: Clinton, Bush, and the CIA, How the Presidency was Co-opted by the CIA, SPI Books, a Division of Shapolsky Publishers, New York city (1994, hardcover, $23.95, 556 pp). It can be ordered from Crown Books and other sources. Terry Reed is a former Air Force Intelli- gence officer (with a top secret clearance and a distinguished record) who became an operative of the CIA and FBI during the CIA Iran-Contra operations in Mena, which airlifted guns to the South and drugs and cash on the return leg. Oliver North was recruited by and worked with Barry Seal. He was a firsthand witness to the guns, cocaine, money-laundering, and Contra training aspects of the operation. When security began to unravel in AR because of leaks, mistakes, and inquisitive- ness on the part of some of the media and some investigators, Clinton realized Terry had met too many people and learned too much about the guns, drugs, and money- laundering in AR. The CIA proposed that Terry head a front company in Mexico, where the guns-drugs smuggling opera- tion was being moved. Clinton made it clear he wanted Terry to take the offer. The front company was supposed to be a cover for smuggling guns only. But Terry discov- ered his employees (CIA operatives) were secretly using his business to smuggle drugs on the return leg from south and Central American. He attempted to extri- cate himself and there resulted a break with the CIA and FBI. He found the FBI had fabricated a complete criminal file on him and his wife as drug smugglers, an aircraft thieves, as insurance against Terry `s possible disloyalty. Realizing elements in the government had turned against him, he went in to hiding-like Robert Redford in Days of the Condor. He was brought to trial. The prosecutor and possibly the judge was fully aware that he was inno- cent but that he was being persecuted for being a political persona non grata. He was acquitted, only to be smeared by Time magazine, under Strobe Talbot (see above). He is currently suing Time. Send contributions to: Reed Counter Offen- sive, 3232 San Mateo N.E., Suite 155, Albuquerque NM 87110. John Cummings co-authored the 1989 Penthouse article, Snowbound."-editor Reed, Terry, The Mena Connection, video- documentary (140 min. VHS) You can order it for $19.95 at 1-800-888-9999 (24 hrs).-a "blockbuster" A poster to the Newsgroup: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater says: ...Better than his book. I highly rec- ommend that everyone here get it. It has a bunch of news footage from a Ft. Smith, AR TV station, from a major Chicago network TV station, and the CBS Eye on America report on the matter. There is also a very inter- esting recording in the tape of a phone conversation between Hub- bell and a Time reporter. Terry's wife Jan also give a great interview in the tape. And much more. There is a lot of video footage in this tape that I had not seen before, and I have been fol- lowing this issue for two years, have read Terry Reed's book, and been fol- lowing this newsgroup since the day it began. After viewing the tape a few times and sharing it with family and close friends, you might also con- sider donating the video to your local cable access station. Monika and William Stevenson: Kiss the Boys Good-bye. A poster to GS writes: The book makes this clear: relations between Bush and Perot had gone downhill ever since the Vice Presi- dent had asked Ross Perot how his POW/MIA investigations were going. "Well, George, I go in looking for prisoners," said Perot, "but I spend all my time discovering the govern- ment has been moving drugs around the world and is involved in illegal arms deals...I can't get at the prison- ers because of the corruption among our own covert people." This ended Perot's official access to the highly classified files as a one- man presidential investigator. "I have been ordered to cease and desist," he had informed the families of missing men early in 1987. R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr: "Furtive Drug Flights," article, Aug. 25, 1995, posted to alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater R. Emmett Tyrrell Jr is Editor of the American Spectator. Jack Terrell and Ron Martz: Disposable Patriot, ISBN 0915765381, National Press Books, 1992. "Highly recommended for background on the US intelligence com- munity, drugs, and the Contras!" U. S. News & World Report, Oct 3, 1988, p. 13. "Elaine Shannon in Desperados says that in June 1984, Oliver North, in an effort to expose alleged links between the Sandinistas and drug dealers, leaked information which exposed Barry Seal who was infiltrating The Medellin [cocaine] Cartel." Wayne G. Walker, Ph.D., J.D.: "Do the ends justify the means (and the Menas)?" Published in the American Reporter, Weekend edition: September 9-11, August 30, 1995. Sent from NationTALK: Enhancing societal learning e-mail: walker @ rolnet.com website: http:// www.rolnet.com/~wwalker/nt/nt.html First- class BBS: 805-948-4900 Wall Street Journal, [editorials, articles]: -"BCCI Opening," Sept. 5, 1995, Review & Outlook, page A14. -"Investigate Mena," 07/10/95, p. A12. -"The Mena Cover-up," Oct/18/94. -"On the Mena Trail," Epstein, Edward Jay. -"Still a Strong Scent on the Mena Trail," by Bill Plante and Michael Singer, CBS News, Letters to the Editor, May 3, 1994, p. A15 -"Who is Dan Lasater?" 8/7/95, edito- rial page. -"Secret Meetings in Arkansas," May 13, 1994, p.A11] > Date: Fri Sep 22, 1995 9:15 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: MENA, ARKANSAS: Congressman Bill Alexander confronts the IRS ----------------------------------------------------------- IRS SENIOR EMPLOYEE MISCONDUCT PROBLEMS ----------------------------------------------------------- Hearings before the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, First Session, July 25, 26, and 27, 1989. ----------------------------------------------------------- Washington : U.S. G.P.O. : For sale by the Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, U.S. G.P.O., 1989. ----------------------------------------------------------- GOV DOC # Y 4.G 74/7:Em 7/11. ----------------------------------------------------------- Congressman Doug Barnard, Jr. (D-Georgia) was Chairman of the Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary Affairs Subcommittee. The following exchange is between William Alexander, Congressman (D-Arkansas), Michael Murphy, Senior Deputy Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, and Fred Goldberg, Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service. Excerpts are from pages 554-559. Mr. BARNARD. Well - I want to take that back up. I think we need to. I have invited Mr. Alexander, who is not a member of the committee, but a former member of the committee, to come - to sit in at these hearings and according the accommodations that we have in Congress, I will give him the opportunity to ask any questions. Mr. ALEXANDER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First, I would like to thank the chairman, the minority, and the entire committee for permitting these hearings and I would explain my reason for being here, to state for the record and under oath, if you wish, Mr. Chairman, that the House Appropriations Commitiee, specifically the Subcommittees on Commerce, Justice, State, and Judiciary and Treasury, both of which I am a member of, together and in cooperation with the Subcommittee on Crime, Chairman Hughes of the House Judiciary Committee, the General Accounting Office, and in cooperation with the Criminal Investigation Division of the Arkansas State Police, have been investigating events surrounding the Mena, AR, Airport for several years. The allegations here are of the most serious nature involving allegation of high crimes in high places in Washington. They involve allegations that a C-123/C-130 operation, contract operation, was operating out of Mena Airport transporting guns to Central America and running drugs to Arkansas, and laundering money in Arkansas from the sale of those drugs. I wish at this point to state publicly my appreciation for the cooperation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Drug Enforcement Administration, both of which agencies have cooperated with the House Appropriations Committee, the General Accounting Office, the Subcommittee on Crime, and the Arkansas State Police. This investigation led us to the Internal Revenue Service about 1 year ago, at which time I attempted to obtain that agency's cooperation by asking IRS to provide access to one of the witnesses here today. I believe it was in September of last year, because of the failure of that cooperation, I wrote a letter to Mr. Gibbs, who was then Commissioner, and I will submit a copy of that letter for the record, requesting the cooperation of the Commissioner and specifically requesting the access to information and testimony of Mr. Duncan. I did not receive a reply to that letter by March of this year, and I spoke directly to Mr. Murphy, who appeared before our Committee on Treasury appropriations. Mr. Murphy appeared to be cooperative and stated his cooperation, but as of this moment, except for the evidence that I have heard here tody and through the General Accounting Office resulting from the resignation of Mr. Duncan as a criminal investigator for the Internal Revenue Service, the IRS has not provided any evidence or any access to that evidence to me, to the Subcommittee on Crime nor to the General Accounting Office or the Arkansas State Police Criminal Division. I will state for the record that it has only been through the resignation of Mr. Duncan and his testimony here today that we have discovered part of the truth that, we think will lead us to an indictment on money laundering charges for drug trafficking in Arkansas. The action of the Internal Revenue Service has prevented the Government from investigating and prosecuting these cases in Arkansas. I don't think that it is intentional on your part to do so, but I would like to state to you that I have for over a year been trying to gain access to Mr. Duncan's testimony. It has been explained to me that you could not provide it because it was prevented by the security provisions of the confidentiality requirements on tax returns and grand jury information. I might say that the emissary that you have sent to me has been most polite in explaining that to me. The effect of the failure of your cooperation has been to permit the statute of limitations to continue to run on persons that we believe to be drug traffickers, in effect, to protect drug traffickers and their drug lords that are profiting from the illicit drug trafficking in the United States and specifically in my State of Arkansas. That is to say, that little children in Arkansas are buying drugs because we are unable to discover sufficient evidence to bring indictments to prevent that from happening. I don't think you intend to do that, but that is the effect of the Government and the bureaucracy not cooperating with law enforcement officials. It is a serious problem in this country, and one of the most serious obstacles to attacking the problem, the war on drugs, is the bureaucracy, the rules and regulations, and the intentional prevention of the submission of evidence that we have heard from the witnesses today. I would just like to ask a couple of questions about those witnesses, because my committee, together with the Subcommittee on Crime, and in cooperation with this committee, will be subpoenaing you gentlemen in the future if that is necessary to get all the information. We hope that is not necessary. Mr. Murphy, did you know that since I talked to you in March my effort to acquire access to needed information to pursue a prosecution in Arkansas has not been forthcoming? Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Alexander, I am aware that there has been a serious issue as to what information, if any, we could provide to you. As you well pointed out, on the day that I testified before the House Appropriations Committee, we met and I thought we had - a good communication privately. Mr. ALEXANDER. We had a good communication. We can stipulate that, but we still don't have any evidence. Mr. MURPHY. I understand that. I thought you showed me a letter that you wrote to the Regional Commissioner in Southeast and I also recall that I apologized to you for not responding to it. I had. Mr. ALEXANDER. You are correct. The letter was to the Regional Commissioner in Atlanta. I am mistaken about that. I will submit a copy of the letter for the record. [The information follows:] BILL ALEXANDER, M.C. 233 CANNON HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING ARKANSAS WASHINGTON, DC 20515 (202) 225-4078 COMMITTEE ON APPRORIATIONS Congress of the United States September 26, 1988 Mr. Thomas A. Cardoza Regional Comissioner Internal Revenue Service Southeast Region Post Office Box 926 (Room 600) Atlanta, Georgia 30370 Dear Mr. Cardoza: Please be advised that the General Accounting Office Congressman Willlam Hughes, Senator John Kerry and I are conducting a Congressional investigation of illegal drug trafficking from Latin American countries to the United States. Of particular interest is the use of Mena Airport in Arkansas as a staging area for the transport of arms to, and drugs from Central America. One of your special operations coordinators, Bill Duncan has information relevant to this investigation. Accordingly, I herewith request that you authorize Bill Duncan to share all relevant information pertaining to the Congressional investigation which I have herein described. Thanking you for your cooperation in this matter, I am Sincerely yours, BILL ALEXANDER Member of Congress BA/js Mr. MURPHY. The apology for being nonresponsive to the letter, whether you wrote to the Regional Commissioner, to me, or to the Commissioner, we should have responded. Mr. ALEXANDER. It has been a year. Mr. MURPHY. I know that. Mr. ALEXANDER. The statute of limitations is running on the criminals. Mr. MURPHY. I understand, but I had Ms. Morin with me. I am going to ask Mr. Keightley to respond to the question because there were issues that, upon the advice of counsel I gave directions that if there was some way that we could legally cooperate with your committee and provide information to you, that was my objective. Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. Murphy, I understand that you have rules and regulations to operate by and we don't want to violate those rules. It is not our purpose to do that. Our purpose is to try to stop drugs from coming into this country. Your interpretation of your rules and regulations are, in effect, cooperating with the drug lords. Your bureaucracy is preventing us from waging a war on drugs. Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Alexander, before I ask Mr. Keightley to respond, I would like to point out to you, IRS agents, including Special Agent Duncan when he was with us, across the country have been partners in dealing with the war on drugs. We have gotten much, much recognition on that and I think we can even do more on that. I think Mr. Keightley can respond to the specifics. Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. Keightley can respond for the record. I have heard the explanation. The basic problem here is that while I have the highest possible clearance that the Government can provide for secrecy - being cleared for secrets that the President and no one else gets, I have still been denied access to information in a criminal investigation in my State. Now, Mr. Duncan came in here this morning and he has testified that he was prevented from offering evidence that he thought relevant to that investigation. In effect he has testified that he was, in effect, ordered to perjure himseif in evidence before a grand jury. I have other information that Mr. Duncan believes that the prevention of his testimony before the grand jury prevented an indictment on drug money laundering charges - very serious charges - and you were all part of that. What we want to do is to get to the bottom of this thing so that we are all working together to fight this war on drugs instead of fighting one another. We are fighting one another and we ought to be out here fighting these drug lords. Now, will you and Mr. Goldberg order all of the agents in the Internal Revenue Service to cooperate with these investigations and will you submit a memorandum to that effect and send us a copy of it? Mr. GOLDBERG. Mr. Alexander, I will make crystal clear to every one of our employees that they are obligated to and they will cooperate to the fullest extent of the law with your investigation and any other investigation conducted by the Congress of the United States. Mr. ALEXANDER. And will you put in writing to me the reason that you have not cooperated thus far? Mr. GOLDBERG. Mr. Alexander, I have stopped beating my wife - I don't know whether we have cooperated or not, but I assure you I will personally look into this matter and I will personally be on your doorstep in the future with my report. Mr. ALEXANDER. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Date: Sat Sep 23, 1995 10:10 am CST From: conspire EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: conspire@prairienet.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: CONSPIRE digest 156 CONSPIRE Digest 156 Topics covered in this issue include: 1) Foster, NSA & Bank Spying by Brian Redman ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Topic No. 1 Date: Fri, 22 Sep 1995 11:14:03 -0500 (CDT) From: Brian Redman To: conspire-post@firefly.prairienet.org Subject: Foster, NSA & Bank Spying Message-ID: og.Index.Doc ============ Now archived and available via anonymous ftp at ftp.shout.net in subdirectory pub/users/bigred Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying by J. Orlin Grabbe Basic instructions: 1) ftp ftp.shout.net 2) logon: anonymous 3) password: email@ <-- not meant literally!! Use first part of your e-mail address as the password 4) cd pub/users/bigred 5) og.Index.Doc (see below) has info you need 6) get og015 <-- not meant literally!! You can also "get og001", "get og023", etc. NAME DESCRIPTION ================================================================= og001 The Norman Allegations ----------------------------------------------------------------- og002 Attorney Charles O. Morgan Counter-Attacks ----------------------------------------------------------------- og003 Follow The Money ----------------------------------------------------------------- og004 More On Charles O. Morgan ----------------------------------------------------------------- og005 Intermission ----------------------------------------------------------------- og006 Bibliography of News Articles Regarding Systematics ----------------------------------------------------------------- og007 Virtual Realities in the Banking and National Security Worlds ----------------------------------------------------------------- og008 Are U.S. Nuclear Secrets for Open Sale on the World Market? ----------------------------------------------------------------- og009 Letter to Mr. Wierzynski, Assistant Staff Director, U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Banking and Financial Services ----------------------------------------------------------------- og010 The BCCI-Lance-Stephens-Systematics-Hubbell-Clinton Connection ----------------------------------------------------------------- og011 Collapse of BCCI Leads To FinCEN, Leads To Artificial Intelligence, Leads To PROMIS Software ----------------------------------------------------------------- og012 Cabazon Indian Nation, Wackenhut, PROMIS, Michael Riconosciuto, and Danny Casolaro ----------------------------------------------------------------- og013 Computer Virus Enters PROMIS Back Door And Shuts Down NSA Computers? ----------------------------------------------------------------- og014 Mellon Bank's Pending RICO Suit May Blow Up The Whole Laundry Thang -- But Capital's Mobile, Ain't It? ----------------------------------------------------------------- og015 The World Of Money Laundering, Richard Mellon Scaife, Ed Meese, and FEMA ----------------------------------------------------------------- og016 Recent Worms In Government Computers, and Federal Reserve Pressures Banks Into Banking Surveillance ----------------------------------------------------------------- og017 Mellon Bank, Sheila Foster Anthony, Lisa Foster, and the $286,000 Wire Transfer; ALSO: July 1, 1993 to July 23, 1993 Sequence of Events ----------------------------------------------------------------- og018 Death of Vince Foster Not Satisfactorily Investigated ----------------------------------------------------------------- og019 The Triangular Trade. Parallels Between Arkansas and Pittsburgh. ----------------------------------------------------------------- og020 Geneology of Mr. Grabbe and of the Mellon Family ----------------------------------------------------------------- og021 Just Pay The Electric Bill, And Hand Me The Keys To The Mellon Bank ----------------------------------------------------------------- og022 Mrs. Foster and Mrs. Anthony Are "Astonished and Incensed", But the Dump Truck Has Sand to Dump on Their Lawyer ----------------------------------------------------------------- og023 Did Bush's Plumber Unit Do Dirty Tricks to Perot and Kill Foster? Did the "Blonde Hairs" Belong to Dee Dee Myers? ----------------------------------------------------------------- og024 Assassination of Foster: Government Approved Hit or "Unprofessional" Panic by Politicians and Their Goons? ----------------------------------------------------------------- og025 Money Laundering Interconnections ----------------------------------------------------------------- og026 Mark Tuohey Has a Conflict of Interest, Abner Mikva Runs Out of Gas, and Some People are in Trouble ----------------------------------------------------------------- -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= O what fine thought we had because we thought | bigred@shout.net That the worst rogues and rascals had died out. | Illinois, -- W.B. Yeats, "Nineteen Hundred And Nineteen" | I'm your boy. -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-= ------------------------------ End of CONSPIRE Digest 156 ************************** Date: Tue Oct 10, 1995 10:01 am CST From: David J Sussman EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: NTB! URGENT! High-Tech AmTrak Sabotage in Arizona ! >Date: Tue, 10 Oct 1995 06:43:48 -0700 >From: pwatson@utdallas.edu >To: no-terrorism-bill@mail.webcom.com >Subject: Re: NTB! URGENT! High-Tech AmTrak Sabotage in Arizona ! >Sender: owner-no-terrorism-bill@webcom.com >Precedence: bulk >Reply-To: no-terrorism-bill@webcom.com > > > >On Mon, 9 Oct 1995 clarkm@cnct.com wrote: > >> Hi Mike and thanks! Who detained the two "non-suspects", do you know? >> >> Maricopa County deputies? They have/had jurisdiction until the FBI got >> involved. >> >> Why the guess about the Mexican border? The site is described as "south >> of Phoenix" and very desolate. It'd have to be way far south of Phoenix >> to be really close to Mexico, eh? >> >> Do you use PGP? I'll send my key if you need it. >> >> Best, Clark >> >> >> .---. .----------- * :::::::::::::::::::::::::::: >> / \ __ / ------ * clark.matthews@paranet.org >> / / \(..)/ ----- * :::::::::::::::::::::::::::: >> ////// ' \/ ` ---- * >> //// / // : : --- * PERMISSION TO >> \\/ / * / /` '--* COPY / REPOST >> \*/ * //..\\ >> x-x-UU----UU-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x- >> '//||\\` N E M O..M E..I M P U N E..L A C E S S I T >> x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x-x >> >> >> **************************************************************** >> UCC 1-207 WP Unsubcribe to no-terrorism-bill-request@webcom.com >> with word "unsubscribe" in body of message | howard@pc-man.com >> > >At about 5:30 pm central time on the David Gold radio show KLIF 570am >a retired "Air America" pilot, that's the CIA MENA airline, called in. I >have head this guy over the last several years and he knew Barry Seal(?) >and Terry Reed and all the MENA drug running for contra arms people. He >lives in the Texas Panhandle and sounds like he is for real. I should >also mention that I saw him at a Dallas public meeting for that Larry >fellow who made the "Clinton Chronicles". They hugged and cried as they >talked about how they were both walking dead men for going public. >Any way, David Gold asked him if he had heard of the group "Sons of the >Gestapo". He said yes they were a Mexican gang that has stolen TV and >electronics from trains and then would cross back into Mexico and they >have been around for years and are well know by the FBI. He said this >is the first time they had ever done anything terrorist." > >I think the local police should find out the location of all BATF >employees for several days prior to the derailment. Did not Clinton say a >few weeks ago something to the effect of "what else is it gong to take >for you to pass the Terrorist bill"??? > >---------------------------------------------------------------------- >Paul Watson, pwatson@utdallas.edu Purchasing Department "DISCLAIMER" >The University of Texas at Dallas ph# 214/883-2307, fax# 214/883-2348 >---------------------------------------------------------------------- > > >**************************************************************** >UCC 1-207 WP Unsubcribe to no-terrorism-bill-request@webcom.com >with word "unsubscribe" in body of message | howard@pc-man.com > --------------------------------------------------------------------------- David Sussman Oakland University SBA WWW Administrator djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu http://sba_server.sba.oakland.edu/staff/djsussma/djsussma.htm ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu Oct 19, 1995 5:42 pm CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Mena: pressure increases for Congressional action [From *Money Laundering Bulletin*, October 1995, p. 7. Address: 173 Dalling Road, London W6 0ES; editorial inquiries 44-171-221-8853; subscription inquiries 44-181-749-6951; fax 44-181-749-6951.] Mena: pressure increases for Congressional action Washington: Pressure is increasing in the US for a full-scale investigation into the role of Bill Clinton in the Mena affair, when governor of Akansas in the 1980s. The questions currently being asked are: When did Bill Clinton first learn that there was a major and possibly Iran-Contra linked drugs-running operation being run from Arkansas? And what did Arkansas state police know of the alleged shipment of narcotics and weapons in the 1980s? According to some reports, a Republican-led Congress is turning a blind eye to the new material which is being unearthed on the case, possibly because Republicans may be involved. Mr. Kenneth Starr, the Whitewater independent counsel, is being drawn every more deeply into the Mena affair, as he attempts to trace cash contributions to Clinton's gubernatorial election coffers and the complex financial relationships linking the Clintons and the current Arkansas governor Jim Tucker with banks, businessmen and land deals. Starr has reportedly uncovered evidence of large-scale money laundering activities in the state, which together with allegations made by state tropper LD Brown, reveal that Clinton had knowledge of Iran- Contra Narcotics trafficking. Congressional aides involved in the Whitewater inquiries have admitted that it is "increasingly odd" the reluctance of congressmen to investigate claims about Mena as more information on the Arkansas drugs economy of the 1980s emerges. Date: Mon Oct 23, 1995 9:11 pm CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Mena, Akansas: Tom Valentine interviews Lt. Com. Alex Martin [The following interview with Lt. Commander Alexander Martin (retired) took place on Tom Valentine's Radio Free America program on July 10, 1995. Valentine's comments follow "Q" while Martin's follow "A".] Q: Please tell us a little bit about yourself. A: I'm Alexander Martin of Iran-contra fame. I testified before the Kerry committee and every single investigating committee in Congress from 1987 until 1990. I was the former employer, employee and subordinate of Major General Richard Secord, a name familiar to people. In 1984, I was approached by a representative of the good general with a mandate that I raise money and form a series of corporations to raise money and legitimize flows of money to what Oliver North described as "the cause" and what Secord described as "the enterprise". That was a covert and illegal effort to support and maintain a contra army within the border of Nicaragua. Q: I've heard you were instrumental in much of this. A: I don't know how instrumental I was, but I raised millions for these boys. Q: A lot of us have heard a lot about the so-called "Iran-contra" affair which was very big in the media at one time, during the congressional hearings, etc., but based upon what I know, I don't think the public really knows the whole story. Do you think it has been clarified as to what really did happen? A: Of course not. Anyone who is in the people's government who is a politi- cian obviously doesn't have a vested interest in telling the people the truth. I'm going to try to tell the truth. Q: You were a lieutenant commander in the U.S. Navy prior to your involve- ment in the Iran-contra affair? A: Yes, but I was retired from the Navy at the time I was brought into what later became known as Iran-contra. That's when I became very closely aligned with Richard Secord, Oliver North, Jeb Bush, Felix Rodriquez and a whole panoply of people who essentially ran Iran-contra as it were. [Q+A section on public's attitude omitted] Q: I actually had somebody tell me recently that, in their words, "Iran- contra was no big deal. They were fighting communism, weren't they?" A: What became known as Iran-contra (and it was then-Attorney General Edwin Meese who thought up the terminology) was the largest illegal covert operation the government has ever undertaken. It involved nearly 5,000 people at one time, billions of taxpayers' dollars and egregious acts of government which were illegal, including, obviously, the surreptitious trafficking in arms and narcotics, as part of a state-sanctioned policy. There has been great speculation in the press ever since the collapse of Iran-contra about the CIA's sponsorship of narcotics trafficking to generate covert revenues and the illegal trafficking of weapons, etc. Q: There are still many who believe Iran-contra was not a government- sponsored affair; that those who were responsible were part of a so-called "rogue" operation by people who did it for their own profit. A: To some extent, it's true. I've been asked about this before. There were billions upon billions of dollars raised, ostensibly to support a 50,000-man rebel army in Nicaragua. And the money raised was certainly vast resources beyond what was necessary to support that army. When Oliver North, before the Kerry Senate hearing was asked by Senator Dan Inouye, how much of those billions that the taxpayers were raped and pillaged for actually went to support the Nicaraguan contras, North himself said in public testimony that it was only 3 percent. Q: Only 3 percent? That means 97 percent went somewhere else. A: It went into people's pockets. General Secord certainly profited handsomely. General John Singlaub and a host of others did likewise. However, would it have been possible for these men to carry out such an enormous conspiracy, to traffic in such enormous quantities of illegal items, without the duplicity and complicity of the United States govern- ment? Q: I don't see how it would have been possible. A: It would not have been possible, and it was not possible at the time to do so. I think George Bush said it very well in an interview with Sarah McClendon, the grand dame of the Washington press corps. When Bush consented to an interview with Mrs. McClendon in June of 1992, he said on record, which she printed in her newsletter that month, when she asked him about Iran- contra and he said, (and I'm quoting from her newsletter): "If the people were to ever find out what we have done, we would be chased down the streets and lynched." This was a public comment by George Bush. Q: George Bush actually admitted that? A: He said it and it was printed in Mrs. McClendon's newsletter in June of 1992. Q: That's interesting since Bush just got reimbursed for his legal fees arising from the Iran-contra affair. Could you refresh us as to the details of Iran-contra from your unique vantage point as a participant? A: Very simply put, what became known as Iran-contra was originally an operational policy formulated by the director of central intelligence William Casey, early in the Reagan presidency. It was codenamed "Operation Eagle" at that time. It was essentially put on the shelf until 1983, renamed "Operation Black Eagle", and Oliver North was brought into it at that time. One of the first things Ronald Reagan did was to appoint lowly lieutenant colonel Oliver North to be director of the then-secret National Programs Office (NPO), an agency which, in 1983, was still very highly classified. Q: Who suggested North's appointment to Reagan? A: CIA Director Bill Casey. North was his hand-picked fellow. As far as Ronald Reagan's role in Iran-contra (which I'm often asked about), I have only met him once in my official capacity. It was always my impression that Ronald Reagan had the broad concept of establishing a "contra" (or rebel) army inside Nicaragua to act as a ward against what he perceived to be a spreading Red tide in Central America. But that is about all Reagan thought and that is about all he knew, at least based upon what I was able to perceive at the time. He didn't come up with the policy; he was not kept informed in regular briefings. All Iran-contra initiatives were ultimately consolidated under the office of Vice President George Bush who was ultimately responsible for the initiation of policies. He was fully apprised of virtually every operation. Q: Bush told the public that he was "out of the loop". A: In fact, it was Reagan who was out of the loop. Certainly that was my perception at the time. It was CIA Director Casey's idea to consolidate Iran-contra operations under the office of the Vice President so that they wouldn't "stick out" so much, as it were. Q: The contra operations are relatively simple to understand. But how did Iran become involved in the picture? A: The whole concept of "Iran-contra" is a misnomer. It was thought up by Ed Meese, who went on national television the day after Thanksgiving in 1986 and told the American people that their government had been involved in an illegal act: to wit, the sale of arms to Iran and a diversion of the profits from those weapons to support the Nicaraguan contras. That's all Meese said. The ruse of talking about "Iran-contra" was done to misdirect the media into looking at the Iranian aspect of it and stay away from the contra and Central American aspect of it. It was in the latter case that the real political and legal liability for the government lay. Q: And this is where the real profit lay as well. A: Narcotics were not involved with the Iranian operations. The more egreg- ious acts involving our government didn't relate to the sale of some $30 million in TOW missiles to the Iranian government. Frankly, no one cared about it at the time. Q: The left-learning Sandinistas government was in power in Nicaragua at this time and Ronald Reagan wanted to drive them out. Congress did not. A: As early as 1983 Congress was fighting aid to the contras. They were afraid of another Vietnam-style involvement. We were facing a well-equipped 120,000 man Sandinista army, thanks to arms from the Soviets. Therefore they appropriated very little money (less than $100 million) during 1983 to 1986. Even that, Congress stipulated, would only go to "civilian materiel assistance." That is, non-weapons. However, as it turned out, as Oliver North pointed out, it didn't work out that way, but that is what Congress intended. Q: Somebody is going to make a lot of money in any war. A: As Richard Secord was fond of saying, "If you look up the word 'covert' in the dictionary, you'll find a dollar sign next to it." Q: You were part of the financial end of Iran-contra, setting up dummy companies that handled money for the operation. A: Effectively, I was "legitimizing" money for the operation. I would set up an investment company, let us say oil and gas, which tends to be one of the oldest of right-wing favorites, for the production of covert revenue. I would be provided by Richard Secord with lists of very well-heeled Republicans who were supportive of "the cause" (Iran-contra) and wish to contribute money but could not do so insofar as it was an illegal action of state. Therefore I would set up an investment which existed nowhere else but in a file drawer and I would sell this investment product to these "investors" and the money would wind up in the hands of Oliver North and Richard Secord, ostensibly to support "the cause". When the fraud was perpetrated in this act was on the U.S. Treasury, insofar as the money that these people were supposedly investing they got to write off on a very high-levered basis. Consequently the IRS was denied substantial revenues that they should have received. Q: How did people manage that since there is very little that is able to be written off these days? A: This was prior to the 1986 tax reform laws. These are 50 percent maxi- mum tax bracket days. These are the days of many tax shelters, oil and gas certainly being premier among them. Obviously if you had a very well-heeled gentleman in the 50 percent tax bracket, and you could provide him with an investment where he could write off his money on a two-for-one leveraged basis, then after taxes, his so-called "investment" didn't cost him a dime. And, as Oliver North used to remind me, he had the gratification of serving America--certainly Oliver North's version of America. One reason I've been speaking out is that I have to defend myself. Obviously, Oliver North has criticized me publicly in the past, even on his radio talk show. North has said, for instance, that by telling the American people the truth about what he and other did that I am being "unpatriotic". That is essentially what he has said in his criticisms of me. That it is obviously "unpatriotic" to tell the American people the truth about what their government has been doing to them, a truth that if the American people ever fully realized what has been done to them and did something about it, could--in North's words--"prove dangerous to the political order of the state." Q: Let's hope so. The political order of the state brought us Oliver North an his scandal. Now if they had been able to solve the problem in Central America, we might conclude that they had done a good deed. How do you look at that? A: The original concept, in my estimation, was noble. But after 1983 it became twisted as those in the shadows of government recognized an oppor- tunity to profit by this. They recognized that in the name of "patriotism" they were able to rape and pillage banks, securities and insurance firms, to traffic in illicit items, all in the name of profit, and nothing in the name of patriotism. Q: This was a secret, covert operation so they could virtually get away with murder. A: Absolutely correct. The government was forced endlessly to cover up for fraud by people who were only marginally connected to Iran-contra operations. Q: The rape of the savings and loans was all part of this tax scam, for this covert operation (Iran-contra), which became a scam. A: The best description of what Iran-contra became was said to me in a conversation with Richard Secord in September of 1985. I told the general that I was becoming nervous about the volume of activity that we had become engaged in. I was concerned that if the American people found out that the political repercussions would be enormous. I pointed out to him that the vast amount of money being raised was far beyond what was necessary to sup- port a 50,000-man army. It wouldn't have taken a tenth of what we were raising. Q: Where does the CIA's Mena, Arkansas drugs-and-arms smuggling operation fit into all of this? A: Mena was essentially the hub of Olive North's so-called guns-for-drugs operations. It was drugs flowing north and guns flowing south. How Mena actually came into existence was that Mena was actually a secure facility of the National Programs Office in 1983. You will notice that all of the facilities used in the weapons and narcotics transactions--that is, at the well-known places mentioned in the press before, such as Iron Mountain, Texas, the airfield at Joppa Missouri, the airfield at Fire Lakes, Nevada, etc. had a common link in that they were all facilities controlled by the National Programs Office, an office that could operate in extreme secrecy and initially keep these sites extremely secure. That is how we got to Mena. Also at Mena there were existing CIA facilities and you had an existing CIA command structure: communications and logistics support. I was the first person to reveal the names of the CIA support people on the ground at Mena. Now Mena is coming back in the news. There is a move within some GOP circles on Capitol Hill to bring it back. We have not heard the last of Mena. Q: Are you not afraid for your personal safety in exposing all of this? There have been a lot of "suicides" we've been hearing about and other strange deaths related to all this. A: Out of the roughly 5,000 of us who were originally involved in Iran- contra, approximately 400, since 1986, have committed suicide, died accidentally or died of natural causes. I knew every single person who has died. In over half of these deaths, official death certificates were never even issued. In 187 circumstances, the bodies were cremated before the families were even notified. I am lying low, so to speak. I have been forced to do so. ### Date: Mon Oct 23, 1995 10:42 pm CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Barry Seal Evades Dec tection of Flight Path by Defense Satellites Barry Seal Evades Detection of Flight Path by Defense Satellites [The following excerpt recounts a flight Terry Reed took with Barry Seal and is taken from *Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA*, by Terry Reed and John Cummings, Shapolsky Publishers, 1994.] The white Lear was airborne and heading south at 10 AM with "Emile Camp" at the controls and Barry Seal on the radio. Once on their flight plan, and in Mexican airspace, at a cruising altitude of 35,000 feet, Seal went to the rear of the aircraft, grabbed two pilot map cases and dragged them to the front. These were the same type of cases Terry had seen earlier in Seal's Aero Commander that blew the engine in Texarkana. Inside were custom aluminum boxes containing sophisticated electronics, some of which Terry recognized. "GNS-500s. Damn, those things used to cost a half-million apiece and you've got two?" "Nuthin' but the best when you're workin' for Uncle," Seal quipped. "And these ain't your normal 500's. They're modified to do "special" things. With these babies, we can not only pinpoint our position via satellite within about 10 meters, we can find the window to the Bermuda Triangle. That takes accuracy, son." GNS-500s are navigational radios that continuously read the aircraft's position in latitude and longitude via digital readouts. This, coupled with their capability of storing and processing complex flight plans and denoting wind speeds at various altitudes, and determining ground tracks would give the jet the ability to fly without making contact with ground controllers. Earlier in his aviation training, Terry had attended an advanced navigation class in St. Louis, which taught the operation of this system, but he never thought he would see two of them worth more than $1 million in the same portable box. This was the same type of sophisticated navigation system aboard the Korean 747 airliner, Flight 007, shot down by a Soviet MIG in September, 1983. That aircraft had only one GPS (Global Positioning System). Seal had two to guarantee pinpoint navigation accuracy. Under the control panel on the co-pilot's side, Red Hall had installed a secret power buss that Seal accessed with a jumper cable to power the GNS-500s. With another jack, Seal connected the antennas, hidden within the fuselage of the plane, to the radios in the box making everything operational. Terry sat in awe as he watched while Seal removed a piece of paper from his shirt pocket and punched in the coordinates of the entire flight plan. "OK, I'll just hook up the ground and satellite communications equipment in this other box and it'll be time for us to 'disappear'," Seal chuckled. As he opened the second box, Terry saw an array of electronics and radios with ultra-high radio frequency ranges totally foreign to him. On a sticker in the middle of the control panel was a service note, saying: "Direct all service inquiries to Summit Aviation, Middleton, Delaware." . . . What Seal was preparing to do was to "blind" a Department of Defense satellite designed as a sentry to give advance warning of incoming hostile weapons systems. This would provide a window through which the Lear could fly through undetected. At the same time, Seal said, secret military surveillance tracking stations manned by U.S. Army intelligence personnel would emit large bursts of energy to jam the U.S. and Mexican ATC radar. Terry felt he was seeing the results of all the Star Wars counter- measures technology. This, he now realized, was how Seal's Operation Jade Bridge aircraft, codenamed Dodger, had been able to enter and leave the United States without being detected. If there had ever been a doubt in Terry's mind about who Seal was, and how high he was connected, it had been put to rest forever. Seal got his flight plan authorizations not from someone on the ground, like most pilots, but from satellites out in space. ### Date: Tue Oct 24, 1995 11:12 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Mena 1/2 Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f201.n330.z1.fidonet.org For: all Org: Ask your FIDO feed for I_UFO! (1:330/201) -- Area : AEN NEWS -----------------------------------------( M-BOARD.TU1 )---- Msg# 20426 Loc Date: 10-14-95 17:47 From: Kenneth White Read: No Replied: No To: All Mark: Subj: MENA, FOSTE CRIMESRAP-UP ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ********************************* CAN ANYONE ANSWER QUESTIONS ON THE FOLLOWING ARTICLE: 1. What is address and cost of the American Reporter and how often is it published? 2. What time on Saturday is Nationtalk radio show broadcast? 3. What other articles has Wayne Walker written? 4. When was Restore Integrity in Government Coalition organized and what does it do? ********************************* PLEASE POST ANY ANSWERS TO ABOVE ************************************** From the Bulletin Board of Politics Message 20 10/11/95 20:19 To: alt perot ************************* Published in the American Reporter ************************** Do the ends justify the means (and the Menas)? by Wayne G. Walker, Ph.D., J.D. ******************************** Lancaster, CA -- As detailed over 20 years ago in The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence by Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks (1974), the CIA culture promotes the questionable belief that the ends justify the means. As more and more evidence and allegations surface about Mena, Arkansas, CIA drug running, the massive CIA money laundering in Arkansas under Clinton's direction, the secret Swiss Bank accounts of scores of national leaders (including Vince Foster), the sale of nuclear secrets by top officials through Foster, and the turf war for control of this power between the Bush and Clinton families (played out in the 92 election), one wonders whether corrupt means may swallow the democracy the CIA is supposed to serve. Rep. Bob Dornan recently began shouting that "Bill Clinton is the most corrupt man to ever sit in the oval office!" If former CIA agent Terry Reed's recent book, Compromised (1994), is accurate, Dornan is only partly right. Reed's allegations imply that not only has Clinton been in the center of an immense web of corruption, George Bush may be similarly culpable. The problem with allegations made by former CIA agents is the secrecy shrouding U.S. intelligence operations. Official denial and deception is the norm. As pointed out in The Cult of Intelligence, U.S. "secrecy and deception in intelligence operations are as much to keep the Congress and the public from learning what their government is doing as to shield these activities from the opposition. The intelligence establishment operates as it does to maintain freedom of action and avoid accountability." Because of the seriousness of the allegations and observations made by Reed, and the consistency of his narrative with accounts from other sources, such as those cited in R. Emmett Tyrell Jr.'s article "The Arkansas Drug Shuttle," The American Spectator (August 1995) and Sally Denton and Roger Morris' article, "The Crimes of Mena," Penthouse Magazine (July 1995), the allegations merit not only careful consideration, but full investigation. Subj: Mena, Fostergate crimes wrap-up 2/5 The following is a brief summary of Reed's very detailed account. According to Reed, the CIA, with Bill Clinton's full support, managed a large covert operation in Mena, Arkansas during the early 80s to transport guns and munitions to the Contras fighting in Nicaragua, and train Nicaraguan pilots to fly the munitions air- drops. Reed, a machine tool company owner, helped train the pilots and manage the operation. The CIA also used Arkansas to launder its black money. According to Reed, Bill Clinton smoothed the way for all of this in exchange for 10% of the "profits." In 1985, the money laundering amounted to millions of dollars each week. Reed claims all of this was directed by Oliver North in the CIA and George Bush, its former director, then Vice-President under Reagan. Reed says he was deeply involved in the move of the CIA operation to Mexico in 1986. Also, according to Reed, before the Mena operation was over, the Bush sons shipped a duffel bag of cocaine to Clinton associates in an effort to bring down the Clintons. This cocaine was distributed in part by Dan Lasater, Clinton's money laundering bond dealer, who served a little time in prison for Cocaine distribution along with Clinton's brother Roger, before both were pardoned by Governor Clinton. In early 1986, Reed claims Bill Clinton attended a clandestine meeting at Camp Robinson, outside Little Rock, with himself, Oliver North, William P. Barr (Bush's attorney cum CIA spook and eventually U.S. Attorney General), to clean up the operational liabilities in Arkansas. Reed says that Barr informed Clinton that despite the huge Arkansas screw-ups, if Clinton would continue to cooperate, he was still on the CIA's short list for the position to which he would eventually aspire and take (ironically, or poetically, from Bush). Reed drew the conclusion that the CIA was actively engaged in manipulating the outcome of American presidential politics. After Clinton left, Reed says North and Barr offered him responsibility for the new Mexico operation, which Reed himself had proposed, and initiated Reed into the higher echelons of deniable asset work for the CIA. After talking everything over with his wife, Reed initially decided to decline the CIA opportunity, stay in Arkansas, build his growing machine tool business and get involved in local politics. Reed says the opportunity was still on his mind when Bill Clinton took Reed into his security van outside of a new Little Rock restaurant and strongly encouraged Reed to accept the new CIA post. Reed reconsidered and accepted. While in Mexico, Reed set up a front company to replicate Mena's gun manufacturing and shipping operation. Before the operation was fully operational, the CIA lost a gun running C-123 over Nicaragua, causing a halt to the entire project. Reed claims he later learned from a high level Israeli Mossad operative that Vice-president Bush had essentially conducted a silent coup to stop Reagan's anti-communist efforts in Nicaragua, and take control of the U.S. government. According to Reed, it was Bush's right-hand CIA operative who had killed the pilots and then staged the CIA crash in Nicaragua. Reed says he soon also discovered that the CIA in Mexico was using his company name and warehouse to ship TONS of Cocaine to the US. Date: Tue Oct 24, 1995 11:15 am CST From: snet l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Mena 2/2 Frm: (Glenda Stocks) Glenda.Stocks@f201.n330.z1.fidonet.org For: all Org: Ask your FIDO feed for I_UFO! (1:330/201) Subj: Mena, Fostergate crimes wrap-up 3/5 Upon that discovery, and with the front company and the CIA operation falling apart in the wake of the Nicaragua crash, Reed, at great risk to himself, parted with the CIA and returned to the states with his young family. Reed and his family immediately began an evasive run around the country as it quickly became clear that elements in the CIA and the Clinton Administration in Arkansas were determined to silence Reed and his wife with long prison terms or worse. After several months, the Reeds turned themselves in, faced criminal insurance fraud charges related to the CIA theft of Reed's own airplane, and after 2 and 1/2 years in the criminal system were declared completely innocent. They are now bringing a civil suit against Clinton's former chief of security, Buddy Young, and others for (1) creating the false computer profile of armed and dangerous drug runners which led to the Reeds' harrowing flight for survival and (2) bringing the false criminal charges. The case comes to trial next month in Little Rock. Reed's charges are consistent with operational tactics and means recounted in The Cult of Intelligence, as well as in an earlier work, The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964), and they are cumulative. When Reed's charges are combined with the ongoing testimony of Larry Nichols of Little Rock about the Arkansas Development Finance Agency (ADFA) money laundering (3/4 of a billion dollars over Clinton's signature) and the Foster death cover-ups (Secret Service documentation that Foster was found in his car), and the allegations of James Norman, formerly of Forbes Magazine, that over 200 secret Swiss (and other off shore) bank accounts held by leading American politicians were swept clean by the CIA of over $2 billion of illicit funds during the last couple of years, the possible full extent of the corruption of the CIA and leading politicians is almost incredible. Yet, if only half of the above allegations are supported, the U.S. is facing monumental corruption. The accounts of Norman, Reed and Nichols are compelling. Together they are chilling. But are they accurate? Certainly, continued media silence will shed very little "direct" light on the truth of these charges. Yet, formidable obstacles block media and official investigation of these charges. First are the secrecy laws and official "national security" reluctance to allow exposure of any details about intelligence organizations and operations. For example, according to Norman, after Forbes cancelled his Fostergate article at the last minute, he took the story to Insight Magazine. But a defense intelligence agent strongly advised the editor not to publish the article. (Media Bypass Magazine published Norman's Fostergate article in August). Second, if Norman's sources are correct, numerous national leaders, Senators and Representatives are compromised. Indeed, the charges about secret Swiss bank accounts cast suspicion on political leaders from both major parties. Subj: Mena, Fostergate crimes wrap-up 4/5 Third, Norman's sources claim the CIA has manipulated the flow of damaging information for years. They indicate that over 100 key news media executives, editors and reporters are employed or paid by the CIA to manipulate the flow of news and keep embarrassing stories out of the press. Rolling Stone Magazine reported in 1977 that the number is more like 200-400. This allegation about the press, especially a press intimidated by the national security shield, may partly explain why the Norman story has not gotten any attention in the established media, much less further investigation, and why four credible journalists working on the Foster story, including Norman, were suddenly fired or threatened with firing or worse in the last couple of weeks. It may also explain why the Washington Post cancelled the Denton and Morris article mentioned above, "The Crimes of Mena," after eleven weeks of fact checking and legal review, indeed after the text was laid out in final type and contracts with the authors signed in January. If Reed and Norman are right, the thinking that the end justifies the means may have led the CIA to attempt to control both the established U.S. media and presidential politics. The extreme seriousness of these allegations, and the dangers to American democracy which they imply, are more than sufficient reason for the press and Congress to thoroughly investigate the charges, regardless of who, or which intelligence organizations, may be damaged. Norman's sources from the intelligence community should be given complete immunity so all of their facts can come out, including the complete list of politicians and national leaders holding secret Swiss Bank accounts which were discovered and emptied by the CIA. In addition, the bright light of full public disclosure should shine all over the Reagan, Bush and Clinton Administrations' covert CIA and NSA operations conducted on U.S. soil, including the control or manipulation of the press, and all covert drug operations. Complete reform of the intelligence establishment is long over-due. President Truman, who established the CIA, called for just that back in 1963. Neither covert corruption, nor official cover-ups in the name of national security, can be tolerated. Indeed, the lingering policy question is whether the ends for which the Constitution, the Republic and American democracy stand can long survive, much less justify, such means. (END) Subj: Mena, Fostergate crimes wrap-up 5/5 Wayne Walker is the host of Nationtalk, a radio talk show broadcast each Saturday over Satcom F1, Transponder 15, 7.56 Mhz. He is also the founder of the Restore Integrity in Government Coalition. Website: http://www.rolnet.com/~wwalker/nt/nt.html From: Wayne_Walker@rolnet.com (Nationtalk Director) ******************************************************* Date: Mon Nov 06, 1995 11:31 pm CST From: David J. Sussman EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: djsussma@jupiter.acs.oakland.edu TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: British TV Exposes String of Murders Near Mena, Arkansas (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: 5 NOV 1995 20:03:01 GMT From: Washington Weekly Newgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater Subject: British TV Exposes String of Murders Near Mena, Arkansas From the November 6 issue of the Washington Weekly. For more information, see the Mena archive at http://www.federal.com/9471.html BRITISH TV EXPOSES STRING OF MURDERS NEAR MENA, ARKANSAS A British documentary TV team has spent months near Mena, Arkansas investigating a string of murders that leads to a gun running and drug smuggling operation there that apparently leads to the door of the White House. The documentary by the prestigious Twenty Twenty program leaves British TV viewers wondering about the state of the American justice system. The investigation starts with the death in 1987 of two boys, Don Henry and Kevin Ives, on the railroad tracks near Mena. Their death was ruled an accident by the Clinton-appointed state medical examiner, Dr. Fahmy Malak. But Kevin's mother, Linda Ives, knew that the official report didn't add up. After fighting the Arkansas justice system for several years she won exhumation and reautopsy. An out-of-state examiner said the cause of death was clear: murder by beating and stabbing before they were placed on the railroad tracks. The murder case was assigned to police investigator John Brown: "When I first reviewed the case file, I found a lot of things missing...crime scene photographs were gone, the list of evidence was gone, interviews were cut short. From 1987 until 1993 no one ever went out and talked to the people who lived by the tracks. It was never intended for this case to be solved," John Brown told the British interviewer. As the British narrator explains it: "What John Brown discovered was an extraordinary trail of evidence that led from the tracks to the Mena airport. From interviews with Mena pilots, he pieced together a very different story of what happened to the boys that night....They were hunting deer. They had no idea that the tracks were used by Mena pilots as a site for dropping off drugs and money, and that a drop had gone missing three nights previously, causing panic at Mena." John Brown continues: "The concern wasn't the $400,000 in the [container]; it was the transmitter that was in the case that everyone was concerned with because it was trackable, and it would track them right back to Mena, Arkansas.... What these kids walked into was a group of law enforcement officials and drug dealers that were waiting to see who walked up onto their drop site.... They were chased down, and they were taken to another location. They were beaten and held. From that they were taken and then killed. They were taken back and their bodies were placed on the tracks in hopes that all evidence of the murder would be distorted by the train mangling the bodies." Brown didn't get very far with his investigation. He was summoned to the sheriff, Judy Pridgen, and told "John, look, you're going to have to leave this alone. We're going to...shut it down. You will interview no one who tracks this case back to Mena." John Brown resigned the next morning.  [ This URL: http://www.pdxnorml.org/MENA0 ]